English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese,
Lebanese Related, Global News & Editorials
For March 12/2020
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news
The Bulletin's Link on the lccc Site
http://data.eliasbejjaninews.com/eliasnews21/english.march12.21.htm
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Bible Quotations For today
Jesus touched their eyes and said, ‘According to your faith
let it be done to you & their eyes were opened
Matthew 09/27-35: “As Jesus went on from there, two blind
men followed him, crying loudly, ‘Have mercy on us, Son of David!’ When he
entered the house, the blind men came to him; and Jesus said to them, ‘Do you
believe that I am able to do this?’ They said to him, ‘Yes, Lord.’Then he
touched their eyes and said, ‘According to your faith let it be done to you.’
And their eyes were opened. Then Jesus sternly ordered them, ‘See that no one
knows of this.’But they went away and spread the news about him throughout that
district. After they had gone away, a demoniac who was mute was brought to him.
And when the demon had been cast out, the one who had been mute spoke; and the
crowds were amazed and said, ‘Never has anything like this been seen in Israel.’
But the Pharisees said, ‘By the ruler of the demons he casts out the
demons.’Then Jesus went about all the cities and villages, teaching in their
synagogues, and proclaiming the good news of the kingdom, and curing every
disease and every sickness.”
Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials
published on March 11-12/2021
Elias Bejjani/Visit My LCCC Web site/All That you need to
know on Lebanese unfolding news and events in Arabic and English/http://eliasbejjaninews.com/
Nizar Zakka Shows His Gratitude To Major General Ibrahim Abass In The USA
Le Drian: Lebanese Politicians Show No Sign of Saving their Country
STL Pre-Trial Judge Schedules New Status Conference in Ayyash Case
Aoun Discusses Security with Akar
Hariri Congratulates Libya for New Govt of National Unity
Abiad: Self Isolation Key to Control COVID-19
Ibrahim's Initiative May Resolve Govt. Formation Crisis
Hajjar Says Hariri 'Ready to Meet Aoun'
Army chief meets UN’s Rochdi
Lebanon must be empowered to sail toward success/Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab
News/March 11/2021
The Commander of Lebanon’s Armed Forces Has Made an Important Speech on the
Country’s Economic Crisis/Aram Nerguizian/Carnegie MEC/March 11/2021
Prolonged crisis of governance leaves Lebanon adrift and isolated/
Rebeccaanne Proctor/Arab News/March 11/2021
The Power of Not Now/Mohanad Hage Al/Carnegie MEC/March 11/2021
Lokman Slim’s culture war with Hezbollah should not be forgotten after
assassination/Farah Kawtharani/Al Arabiya/Thursday 11 March 2021
Titles For The
Latest
English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published
on
March 11-12/2021
Jordanian prince cancels Temple Mount visit following
security mishap/Jerusalem Post/March 11/2021
Netanyahu trip to UAE canceled amid Jordan imbroglio
Israel, UAE well positioned to lead the way in countering drone threats
US Senators Introduce Resolution Condemning Assad Regime Atrocities
UN Urges Syria to Locate Tens of Thousands Missing in War
Netanyahu: As Long as I’m PM, Iran Will Not Have Atomic Bombs
Blinken Says Time For Foreign Forces to Leave Libya
Iraqi PM’s Call for National Dialogue Divides Shiite Parties
Putin, Erdogan Launch New Phase of Turkish Nuclear Power Plant
After Abu Dhabi, Riyadh signals intent to pursue rapprochement with Syria
Vaccine Hope, but Battle Drags on One Year after Pandemic Declared
Titles For The Latest The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on March 11-12/2021
Middle East: The Ghosts of Sovereigns Past/Naomi Linder
Kahn/Gatestone Institute'/March 11, 2021
Turkey: Erdoğan's War on Peace/Burak Bekdil/Gatestone Institute'/March 11, 2021
Iraq...A Tormented Country Visited by the Pope/Hazem Saghieh/Asharq Al Awsat/March
11/2021
Cynthia Farahat on the Muslim Brotherhood's "Secret Apparatus"/Marilyn
Stern/Middle East Forum Webinar/March 11/2021
Olympics Needs to Uphold Ban on Iran’s Discrimination/David May and Benjamin
Weinthal/The National Interest/March 11/2021
Biden can make history or become overwhelmed by it/Geoffrey Aronson/The Arab
Weekly/March 11/2021
Can’t Tunisians learn from the Lebanese?/Mokhtar Dabbabi/The Arab Weekly/March
11/2021
Europe continues to be soft on Iran’s nuclear defiance/Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab
News/March 11/2021
The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials
published on
March 11-12/2021
Elias Bejjani/Visit My LCCC Web site/All That you need to know on Lebanese
unfolding news and events in Arabic and English/http://eliasbejjaninews.com/
MoPH: 3518 new coronavirus cases, 50 deaths
NNA/Thursday 11 March 2021
3518 new coronavirus cases and 50 more deaths have been recorded in Lebanon in
the past 24 hours, as announced by the Ministry of Public Health on Thursday.
Nizar Zakka Shows His Gratitude To Major General
Ibrahim Abass In The USA
Lebanon Depate web site/Thursday 11 March 2021
Mr. Nizar Zakka, the former Lebanese-American detainee in Iran, who was released
in 2019 as a result of mediation efforts by The Lebanese Major General Abbas
Ibrahim, has been strongly working on polishing Ibrahim's image in the United
States, as a gratitude pay back for the role Ibrahim played in his release from
the Iranian captivity amid intertwining of interests and broad aspirations
between the two men.
Informed sources in the American capital indicated that the "Hostage Aid"
Association that Zakka runs receives direct support from Major General Ibrahim.
In return for this support Zakka has been introducing Ibrahim to American
officials and members of the Senate and Representatives as being "the man who
has magic solutions to the detainees' issues."
In this context, it was learned that Zakka is the one who weaved the threads of
the relationship between Major General Ibrahim and Mrs. Diana Foley, the mother
of the American cameraman who was beheaded by ISIS in Syria. This relationship
between Ibrahim and Mrs. Foley resulted in the awarding of Major General Ibrahim
the most prestigious "James Foley" award to the hostage defenders, which was the
first time that this award has been granted to a non-American individual.
Link for the above piece of news on the "Lebanon Depate web site:
https://www.lebanondebate.com/news/520859
Le Drian: Lebanese Politicians Show No Sign of Saving their
Country
Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday 11/March, 2021
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said on Thursday time was running out
to prevent Lebanon from collapsing and that he could see no sign that the
country's rival politicians were doing what they could to save it. "I would be
tempted to qualify Lebanese politicians as guilty of not helping a country in
danger," Le Drian told a news conference in Paris. "They all committed to act to
create an inclusive government and committed to implementing indispensable
reforms. That was seven months ago and nothing is moving. I think it's not too
late, but the delays are very small before collapse.”Le Drian said such a
collapse would spell disaster not only for the Lebanese people, but also for the
hundreds of thousands of Syrian and Palestinian refugees it hosts, as well as
the entire region. France has spearheaded international efforts to rescue
Lebanon from its political and economic crisis by trying to use its influence to
persuade squabbling politicians to adopt a reform roadmap and form a new
government of non-partisan specialists to unlock international aid. Prime
minister-designate Saad Hariri is at loggerheads with President Michel Aoun and
has been unable to form the cabinet since October. Groups of protesters have
been burning tires daily to block roads since the Lebanese currency tumbled to a
new lows, deepening popular anger over Lebanon's financial collapse. "It's up to
the Lebanese authorities to take their destiny in hand knowing that the
international community is looking with concern," Le Drian said. "There is still
time to act today, but tomorrow will be too late." Speaking at his side, the
foreign ministers of Egypt and Jordan also urged Lebanon to form a new
government as soon as possible.
STL Pre-Trial Judge Schedules New Status Conference in
Ayyash Case
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
The Special Tribunal for Lebanon’s (STL) Pre-Trial Judge, Daniel Fransen, will
hold a sixth Status Conference on 24 March 2021 in the Ayyash Case, which
relates to the 2004-2005 bomb attacks on George Hawi, Marwan Hamadeh and Elias
Murr. Salim Ayyash, a Hizbullah suspect, has been indicted in the case. “The
hearing aims at reviewing the status of the case and ensuring the expeditious
preparation for trial, through an exchange between the Prosecution, Defense and
Legal Representatives of the Victims,” the STL said in a statement. In a
scheduling order issued Wednesday, the Pre-Trial Judge stated that the hearing
will begin at 10:00 AM (C.E.T.) The Status Conference will be public but the
Judge might decide to go into private session during the course of the hearing
if confidential matters need to be discussed. The Status Conference will take
place in the STL courtroom, with remote participation via video-conference. The
hearing will be streamed on the STL website with a 30-minute delay in Arabic,
English, and French.Five Status Conferences have taken place so far in the
Pre-Trial proceedings of the Ayyash Case; the first one took place on 22 July
2020, and the last one 3 February 2021.
Aoun Discusses Security with Akar
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
President Michel Aoun and caretaker Defense Minister Zeina Akar discussed the
latest security developments during a meeting at Baabda Palace, the National
News Agency reported Thursday. Aoun received Akar and the talks focused on the
“general situation in the country after the security developments,” said NNA.The
talks also highlighted the work of the state institutions related to the defense
ministry, added the agency.
Hariri Congratulates Libya for New Govt of National Unity
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri congratulated the Libyan Prime Minister,
Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, on the Libyan lawmakers decisions to grant confidence to
the Government of National Unity, Hariri’s press office said in a statement
Wednesday evening. Hariri wished Dbeibah success in his efforts to reunify the
institutions, launch the reconstruction wheel and hold parliamentary elections
at the end of this year, said the statement. Libyan lawmakers confirmed a newly
appointed interim government on Wednesday, in the hopes it will help unify the
divided, war-wrecked North African country, and shepherd it through to elections
at the end of the year.
Abiad: Self Isolation Key to Control COVID-19
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
Firass Abiad, Director of Lebanon’s main coronavirus hospital, RHUH, in a series
of tweets on Thursday stressed that self isolation for individuals who retract
COVID-19 virus is key to break the chain of transmission and help control the
virus spread. “Self isolation of individuals who test positive, and their close
contacts, is a cornerstone of the efforts to control Covid in society and break
the chains of transmission. However, rates of self isolation in many countries
have been low,” said Abiad. He added that people were unwilling or unable to
self isolate because “isolation can lead to financial loss. Sick leave may not
be compensated; many are self employed. Some have low awareness of the guidance
or how the virus is transmitted, or consider a covid diagnosis to be a stigma.
People without symptoms are less likely to isolate.”The RHUH director stated
that self isolation after a positive test or contact is “mandatory” in most
countries, which led many individuals to avoid testing altogether. “This is
pervasive in countries with low public trust in authorities, and in absence of
support for people required to isolate,” he said. “Support can be financial, or
as employment benefits. People living in crowded homes need isolation centers.
Technology, or soliciting the help of local authorities, can be used to monitor
self isolation. Municipalities can also play an important role in raising
awareness,” explained Abiad. “Controlling community spread depends on test,
trace, and isolate. Vaccination will not change that. A better understanding of
the reasons people are not self isolating is important. One thing is clear,
without proper support and local monitoring, compliance will remain low, he
concluded.
Ibrahim's Initiative May Resolve Govt. Formation Crisis
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
General Security chief Maj. Gen. Abbas Ibrahim has held a “positive” meeting
with Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi and “there is hope that the government
might be formed soon,” Bkirki spokesman Walid Ghayyad said. “Pressure must be
focused in all directions at the moment” in order to form the new government,
Ghayyad added, according to several newspapers. The media reports added that the
sought breakthrough “still needs an extra effort” and that Speaker Nabih Berri
“is not distant from Ibrahim’s efforts.” Privately-owned Central News Agency
meanwhile reported that Ibrahim’s initiative calls for forming “a mission-driven
government consisted of 18 specialist, nonpolitical ministers in which parties
are not represented.” “President Michel Aoun and his camp would be given five
ministers in addition to one minister for Armenians but without getting a
one-third-plus-one veto power,” the agency said. “In return, the justice and
interior portfolios would be given to PM-designate Saad Hariri, who has to
choose the two ministers from three nonpolitical, nonpartisan and
non-provocative candidates proposed by Aoun,” the agency added. “Aoun has agreed
to the proposal, but Hariri has demanded the approval of Free Patriotic Movement
chief Jebran Bassil on it without setting a condition that the FPM MPs should
agree to granting the government their votes of confidence,” the agency said.
Informed sources meanwhile told the Nidaa al-Watan newspaper that the main
obstacle is still revolving around the interior portfolio in terms of who gets
to name and who gets to pick the candidate. The sources added that a Aoun-Hariri
meeting in the coming days cannot be ruled out.
Hajjar Says Hariri 'Ready to Meet Aoun'
Naharnet/Thursday 11/March, 2021
Al-Mustaqbal parliamentary bloc MP Mohammed Hajjar said Thursday that
PM-designate Saad Hariri is ready to meet with President Michel Aoun on the
government formation process if the latter has something new on the file. “The
PM-designate could head to Baabda if anything new happened,” said Hajjar. "The
last meeting between him and the President discussed the government formation,
and Hariri told Aoun: I am ready to discuss the issue if you have notes on names
or portfolios. Aoun responded by saying that he wants a government with
one-third-plus-one veto power and one minister for the Tashnaq party. Matters
are still stalled here,” added Hajjar. The MP described Hariri’s Wednesday
meeting in the UAE with Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Lavrov as
“very important at all levels.”He said Russia is interested in the Lebanese file
and has a good relationship with Hariri, and that their meeting in Abu Dhabi was
important and successful by all standards.Hajjar said what makes the meeting
remarkable was the fact that Lavrov’s statement referred to Hariri as the PM of
Lebanon instead of PM-designate, “meaning that Hariri is the only one who can
run the country at this stage.”
Army chief meets UN’s Rochdi
NNA/Thursday 11/March, 2021
Army Commander, General Joseph Aoun, on Thursday received at his Yarzeh office
the UN Deputy Special Coordinator for Lebanon, Najat Rochdi, with talks touching
on the current situation in Lebanon and the region.
Lebanon must be empowered to sail toward success
Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab News/March 11/2021
What does it mean to be Lebanese today? If you ask any Lebanese this question,
they will most probably give you an answer about the country’s beautiful
landscape, geography and cuisine. I remember a conversation I had a few years
back with some Lebanese and other nationals who knew the country well. They all
described the country with the famous: “Lebanon is a beautiful country, where
you can ski in the mountains in the morning and enjoy the beach in the
afternoon.” This always precedes a long discussion about the Lebanese way of
life of enjoying good food, entertainment and all the pleasures life can offer.
I admit to ruining the general positive mood by cutting it short and saying:
“Lebanon is none of that; it is a country where you can spend a day enjoying
life but then get threatened and scolded at night by Hezbollah’s leader Hassan
Nasrallah pointing fingers on television. It is a country living under the
illusion of freedom when it is a ruthless dictatorship.”
But the question remains, what does it mean to be Lebanese? Are Lebanese Arabs?
Are Lebanese Mediterranean? Today one might even ask if Lebanese are Persians.
What is Lebanon? What does it represent as a country? It seems that, since its
creation, Lebanon has been stuck fighting the causes of others (and being paid
for it), whether that is a colonial power’s interests, an Arab cause or today’s
Iranian plan for expansion. The country has never stood for itself, its own
sovereignty and the good of its entire population. In a region of conflicts and
larger stakeholders, we have always been a small boat adjusting its sails to
move with the flow, which is smart. Unfortunately, the boat has had more
captains than sailors, leading to more infighting.
Lebanon’s recent history has left it without a single day of rest or stability.
The civil war, bombardments, military confrontations, assassinations and large
explosions have followed financial crises and social explosions. All these
events seem to have introduced to the Lebanese DNA the capacity to rebuild
without questions; this might even date from our ancestors. We seem to have the
will to go on living and enjoying the small pleasures in life, even though the
country seems to be on the verge of collapse, as well as the capacity to accept
or ignore the contradictions and be able to live another day. To be Lebanese,
you need more than a will of steel; you need to have a split personality.
This question might seem futile as the country is once again collapsing on all
levels and — for the first time and despite the voices calling for change — the
will seems to be dying. But I ask the question because we cannot move on and
build unless we know who we are and accept that the country is in crisis. We
cannot build a country if we do not decide on a master plan. To this day, the
Lebanese have always rebuilt the broken pieces of their buildings, but never
their country.
I do not have a straight answer to this question. As a Lebanese emigrant who
never set foot in the country after leaving it as a newborn, my view of Lebanon
is biased and too idealistic. It is a collection of bits and pieces of stories
from all sides. However, I would say it is a country of travelers, discoverers,
creators and savvy traders. In fact, to this day we are no different than the
Phoenicians. Regardless of our religion or ethnicity, we are the same. Just
point a finger anywhere on a world map and you will find a successfully
integrated and loyal Lebanese community. The Americas, Europe, Africa, the Gulf
and even Asia, Lebanese are everywhere and, more often than not, are well
established and net positive contributors to their adopted communities. But,
when we go back to Lebanon, we become cannibals. The ruthlessness of the
country’s leaders and the interests of an invading power force this dishonest
behavior to survive. The many captains in our sailboat are in fact all usurpers
that leave their crew starving.
In fact, a country of creators and travelers can only be a free and independent
country. The freedoms of speech and belief need to be at the core of its
principles, along with the rule of law, free enterprise, inclusivity, and
innovation. This means that, to build a prosperous Lebanon that can reach its
full potential and empower its citizens, it needs to be rebuilt: Not its
buildings, but its institutions.
Lebanon also needs to stay aware of its environment and to navigate properly; it
needs to understand how the region’s winds and waves move. It needs to respect
all its neighbors and understand that freedom of speech will have limits when it
comes to regional affairs. The country cannot be a platform to attack any of its
bigger neighbors, Iran and Syria included. Lebanese are good fighters in the
most literal sense of the term, but it is high time we only fought for Lebanon.
This means that neutrality also needs to be at the core of the country’s
principles.
To this day, the Lebanese have always rebuilt the broken pieces of their
buildings, but never their country.
It is, therefore, urgent that the opposition and protesters morph into a unified
political movement that protects these principles and fights for these virtues.
All minorities need to be included in this process. Lebanon needs a movement
that promotes free will and justice and fights against the demagoguery and
intolerance of the current political leaders. As difficult as this task seems,
resilience, consistency and focus will prevail over any proxy and its
associates.
The enemies of a free Lebanon are well known: Extremist religious and leftist
movements that use the fight for equality and inclusion as a tool for ruling and
imposing their own private interests. They all go against the nature of what it
is to be Lebanese and free. It is time to empower the country to sail toward
prosperity and success. For lack of sailing advice, I would conclude by saying
beware of the equivalent of the line in George Orwell’s book “Animal Farm” that
states: “All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.”
*Khaled Abou Zahr is CEO of Eurabia, a media and tech company. He is also the
editor of Al-Watan Al-Arabi.
The Commander of Lebanon’s Armed Forces Has Made an
Important Speech on the Country’s Economic Crisis
Aram Nerguizian/Carnegie MEC/March 11/2021
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/96878/%d8%a2%d8%b1%d8%a7%d9%85-%d9%86%d8%b1%d9%83%d9%8a%d8%b2%d9%8a%d8%a7%d9%86-%d9%82%d8%a7%d8%a6%d8%af-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%ac%d9%8a%d8%b4-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d8%a8%d9%86%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%8a-%d9%8a%d8%b7%d9%84/
Amid growing protests in Lebanon at the deteriorating economic situation and the
massive devaluation of the Lebanese pound, on March 8 the commander of the
Lebanese armed forces, General Joseph Aoun, made a speech to officers at army
headquarters. He addressed the country’s political leadership on the crisis,
amid deadlock in forming a new government. Aoun asked the politicians, “Where
are we going? What are you waiting for? What do you plan to do? We have warned
more than once of the danger of the situation.”
Aoun also spoke of how the crisis had negatively affected the military, with
salaries of servicemen and servicewomen losing 80 percent of their value since
late 2019. “The people are hungry, the people are poor … and the members of the
military are also suffering and are hungry,” he said. Aoun rejected criticism of
the armed forces for accepting foreign aid, adding “Were it not for such
assistance, the situation would have been far worse.” This appeared to be an
implicit response to those who had condemned the military for accepting aid from
the United States, among other countries.
Why Is It important?
The commander’s speech was the first open criticism voiced by a senior military
official against the political class since Lebanon’s collapse began in late
2019. It was also a signal that the military had crossed the Rubicon. The
commander spoke at 10:00 AM. At noon, President Michel Aoun called on the army
to clear the streets. By 5:00 PM no action had been taken. Therefore, Lebanon
appears to have entered the unknown in terms of civil-military relations.
With regard to military spending, as things stand now with the effects of
inflation, the armed forces’ internal estimates project that the current account
can support military salaries and contract wages until the end of June, no
further. After that either the government must agree to supplemental funding or
the armed forces will have to suspend paying personnel in increasing numbers.
Alternatively, the military could pull budgetary resources from other areas tied
to readiness and mobility. While senior military cadres do not assess that the
operational collapse of the armed forces is imminent, the same cannot be said
for their mobility and effectiveness.
What Aoun was doing was sounding the alarm and bluntly asking the political
class whether it wanted Lebanon to have a functional military or not. His
message was clear: Do something credible or do not count on us to be the
security actor you take for granted. In other words, as popular resentment rises
the politicians may not be able to rely on the military to protect them, let
alone to oppose protestors.
What Are the Implications for the Future?
Aoun implicitly told the politicians and the population three things: First,
that the military does not want to involve itself in politics, but there are now
orders that it will not follow. Second, because the military and the population
are suffering together, protestors should take advantage of the situation and
organize. And third, as long as protests remain peaceful, the military will side
with the protestors.
With respect to the military in institutional terms, Aoun’s speech pointed to
worrying trends. Foreign assistance remains vital to help the armed forces to
continue functioning. While countries such as the United States and the United
Kingdom must abide by restrictions on the use of aid to support the salaries of
foreign militaries, they can prompt other funders, such as the United Arab
Emirates, to support Lebanon’s military in ways that maintain the morale of
soldiers.
Such assistance would help to contain two trends that may threaten the armed
forces’ continued professionalism: a relatively higher number of requests for
early retirement, which means that experienced officers are exiting; and
requests by more junior officers for unpaid leave or furloughs of about three
months to do work on the side and supplement their military salaries.
There are also several risk factors. Fearing what might be a more autonomous
military, there are factions that may want to use violence to send a warning to
the armed forces. Hezbollah, Amal, and Gibran Bassil, the head of the Free
Patriotic Movement, have the most to lose from a military that is increasingly
distancing itself from the ruling class. For example, they and others may want
to test the military’s resolve on the streets. This points to a parallel issue.
If the military were to atrophy, this would not harm Hezbollah. On the contrary,
the party would be the only one left standing, an outcome few outside Lebanon,
particularly in Washington, want to see materialize.
There is also a real danger of a resurgence of extremist groups tied to the
Islamic State along the border with Syria and in increasingly desperate and
destitute urban centers. Aoun’s message was that the military’s readiness needed
to be assured and could not be accomplished thanks to external partners alone.
What was required was an internal consensus and funding to secure the armed
forces’ role as a defender of internal stability and territorial integrity.
Prolonged crisis of governance leaves Lebanon adrift and
isolated
Rebeccaanne Proctor/Arab News/March 11/2021
DUBAI: Since early March, Lebanese have taken to the streets in a renewed round
of protests as the pound plunged to a record low on the black market. Over the
past week masses of protesters have closed the main Martyr’s Square in central
Beirut while others have blocked the highway linking the capital with the north
and south.
A new level of violence and distress has gripped the country. Fights over basic
necessities have broken out in supermarkets as families struggle to survive.
More than half of the population is now living below the poverty line.
On Thursday, the French foreign minister added his voice to the chorus of
criticism of Lebanon’s politicians for failing to get their act together.
“They all committed to act to create an inclusive government and committed to
implementing indispensable reforms,” Jean-Yves le Drian said in Paris. “That was
seven months ago and nothing is moving.”
Lebanon has spent nearly two months under one of the world’s strictest COVID-19
lockdowns, pushing its sickly economy and restive population to the very brink.
The period has coincided with mounting civil unrest and a brutal political
assassination, prompting fears of further instability.
A boy gestures as Lebanese anti-government protesters confront security forces
while going around the homes of deputies and government officials in the
northern port city of Tripoli in January 2021. (AFP/File Photo)
Since Jan. 14, citizens not deemed “essential workers” have been prevented from
leaving their homes by a strict round-the-clock curfew that was imposed after a
surge in coronavirus cases overwhelmed the nation’s health system.
The coronavirus measures have piled further misery on a public already reeling
from the currency collapse, with many households left hungry and forced to rely
on charity or the burgeoning black market.
The combined impact of the renewed protests, political violence and economic
pain is understandably jangling Lebanese nerves, still raw from the trauma of
last August’s Beirut port blast.
For families facing destitution, with little chance of help from a barely
functioning government, the latest lockdown has all the trappings of the final
straw. “None of this is surprising,” Nasser Saidi, Lebanon’s former economy and
trade minister, told Arab News.
“Income is down. GDP is down by at least 25 percent. We’re having inflation in
excess of 130 percent; general poverty is over 50 percent of the population;
food poverty is over 25 percent of the population; unemployment is rapidly
increasing; and thousands of businesses are being shut down.
“All of this is coming to the fore and at the same time we have a lockdown. It
was a very stupid decision the way it was done, to lock Lebanon down, because it
prohibits people from even being able to go and get their groceries, their food
and necessities. And then it meant also shutting down factories and
manufacturing.
“If you get sick, you can’t even get to a hospital or afford a hospital.
Hospitals are full now due to COVID-19. You have had a series of very bad
decision-making and policies, and Lebanon is paying the price for it. This is
going to continue. It is not going to go away. In my opinion, we are seeing just
the tip of the iceberg.”
The deteriorating economic and financial situation has pushed tens of thousands
of Lebanese into poverty, yet more pain probably lies in store. While the
official rate for the US dollar in Lebanon is 1,520 Lebanese pounds, the
black-market price has now hit a record high of 10,000 — up from 7,000 just a
few months ago.
On March 8, President Michel Aoun told security forces to prevent roads being
blocked by protesters after demonstrators declared a “day of rage.” Troops were
brought in to briefly open main roads the protesters blocked who then closed
them off again in a standoff with government forces that seems to see no end in
sight. However, with little progress made on the formation of a new cabinet or
implementation of reforms, some protesters have called for a revival of the
nationwide street movement of late 2019 that demanded the removal of the entire
political class.
Critics of the government and the various armed factions that control political
life in Lebanon are vulnerable to reprisals for speaking out. On Feb. 5, the
intellectual and Hezbollah critic Luqman Slim was found dead in a car in the
southern region of Zahrani with multiple gunshot wounds.
INNUMBERS
Lebanon crisis
*405,000 - Recorded COVID-19 infections.
*19.2% - Fall in GDP in 2020.
*1/5 - Population in extreme poverty.
Although investigations are still underway, the Iran-backed Shiite militia is
considered the prime suspect. Many observers believe the killing marks a dark
turning point for a country whose fate already hangs by a thread.
“Throughout all the assassinations we had in Lebanon during the early 2000s and
even the 2006 invasion by Israel, we never felt danger like we do now,” Mariana
Wehbe, who runs a PR firm in Beirut, told Arab News. “When before did we have to
hide our jewelry and our valuables? Everyone is afraid about what will happen
next.”
Some observers fear Lebanon’s economic trainwreck could leave the public even
more dependent upon political factions to provide them with aid and security — a
throwback to the 1975-90 civil war period when the militias ruled supreme.
Although pessimistic about the situation, Ramzy El-Hafez, a political analyst
who lives in Beirut, believes Lebanon is still a long way from a repeat of the
darkness that engulfed the country in 1975.
“We had two armed groups fighting each other. Now we just have Hezbollah and
there is no armed group trying to fight it,” El-Hafez told Arab News.
“There are no signals that we are going to have a civil war. The new phase is
the one we are already in: Hezbollah controls the country with impunity, and no
one is opposing it. Additionally, the new phase is that Lebanon in the past was
able to benefit from help from friends in the Gulf and in the West. Now no one
is helping Lebanon.
“We are trying to fix our own problems, but we are not able to do so and our
friends are telling us to get rid of Hezbollah before they can help us. In
Lebanon, we are living in a trap. That is the new phase.”
Slim’s murder does not mark a significant turning point, El-Hafez says, because
killings of this sort have not stopped since the assassination of Rafik Hariri,
the former Lebanese prime minister, in 2005.
“Sometimes they are spaced out, but they continue and every time one takes place
people think we have entered into a new phase,” he said.
Not everyone is convinced Slim’s murder is simply business as usual. One source
in Tripoli, who spoke to Arab News on condition of anonymity, believes Hezbollah
has found itself backed into a corner.
“Hezbollah appears threatened to have lashed out like this,” the source said.
“Something is taking place in the wings, but we don’t know what it is yet. It is
perilous for the country that a new period of assassinations could take place on
top of what we are already going through.”
When a political rival is murdered in Lebanon, the case is rarely solved.
Factions and militias have long dominated the political landscape, characterized
for long by clientelism, social patronage and sectarianism.
“Before any deal, parties tighten their ranks,” the source said. “Lebanese
political parties look at politics as a business, not as a service to the
people.” As a result, an ineffectual government has failed to launch a financial
rescue plan or implement desperately needed economic reforms to pull the country
out of the doldrums.
to poverty, yet more pain probably lies in store. (Photo: Marwan Tahtah)
Hezbollah’s fortunes depend to a large extent upon those of its patrons in
Tehran, analysts say. Under sanctions pressure from the Trump administration,
Iran and its various proxies across the region found themselves squeezed and
isolated.
The US administration is expected to renegotiate the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPOA), also known as the Iran nuclear deal, which President Joe Biden
helped broker while serving as Barack Obama’s vice president.
The Power of Not Now
Mohanad Hage Al/Carnegie MEC/March 11/2021
Despite statements to the contrary, Lebanon’s political class seems
unenthusiastic about forming a government today.
Since the resignation of Lebanon’s government on August 10 last year following
the devastating blast in Beirut Port, the Lebanese political class has been
moving from one quandary to the other. The country’s pain has deepened as a
majority of the population has fallen below the poverty line. The value of the
Lebanese pound has collapsed, so that $1.00 is now equivalent to over LP10,000,
while the official exchange rate is still at $1.00 equivalent to LP1,500.
In the past seven months, there have been multiple reasons for why the political
class has delayed forming a government. This has included disagreement over
granting the two Shi‘a parties, Hezbollah and Amal, the finance portfolio,
President Michel Aoun’s insistence on holding a blocking third in any new
government, and prime minister-designate Saad Hariri’s refusal to hand the
Interior and Justice Ministries over to Aoun and his son in law Gebran Bassil.
However, these excuses are becoming less and less convincing. The three major
forces in the government-formation process—Hariri’s Future Movement, the Shi‘a
parties, and Aoun’s and Bassil’s Free Patriotic Movement—are all hesitant to
form a government, each for its own reasons. These range from their reading of
regional geopolitical realities to their self-interest and political ambitions.
They are all taking part in a spectacle bordering on the ridiculous.
Hariri has said that he would like to form a government to implement the French
initiative brought to Beirut by President Emmanuel Macron last September. The
plan calls for the formation of a “working government” that can implement
reforms, which in turn would unlock foreign aid to Lebanon. Yet Hezbollah is not
keen to form a government under the French plan, since its patron Iran prefers
to deal directly with the United States over Lebanon, rather than with Paris.
Hezbollah, in trying to accommodate Tehran, has not sought to break the deadlock
in the cabinet formation process.
Iran and Hezbollah also remain wary of the impact of regional shifts after the
Abraham Accords between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain, as well
as of the nature of a final settlement in Syria. Russia’s relations with Israel
have facilitated coordinated Israeli airstrikes on Iran and its allies in Syria.
At the same time, Moscow has exploited its relations with certain Gulf states,
such as the UAE and Bahrain, to improve their relations with the regime in
Damascus. Iran’s primary concern, or fear, is that its presence in Syria will be
sacrificed on the altar of Arab reconstruction aid to the country and a
normalization of relations between the Gulf states and Damascus, which
hypothetically may extend to Israel. Therefore, holding Lebanon hostage
increases Iranian leverage with the United States, and to an extent France. By
maintaining uncertainty in Lebanon, Hezbollah is signaling that Iran is in
charge of its destiny, no one else.
Aoun also does not want a new cabinet that would be formed under the conditions
set by Saad Hariri. Instead, he wants to have enough leverage over it to secure
the presidency for Bassil after Aoun’s mandate ends in 2022. The president and
Bassil had sought veto power over any new government, to put Bassil in a
powerful position for the presidency. That demand has since been dropped, given
the wave of opposition from across the political spectrum. However, that only
makes Aoun less enthusiastic about a government today.
At the same time, Aoun’s alliance with Hezbollah is not solid enough to secure
the party’s support for Bassil’s presidential ambitions. This has made the
president more insecure about his son in law’s political future and about his
own disintegrating legacy, which is why he is uneasy about a government that
would fail to meet his terms.
Another major problem for Aoun and Bassil is whether they will be able to retain
control of the Energy Ministry. If they do not get the portfolio for the first
time in over a decade, this could have political implications. Any reforms in
the energy sector under a non-Aounist minister would highlight Bassil’s
responsibility for Lebanon’s disastrous electricity situation.
Saad Hariri’s calculations are not very different from Aoun’s. Saad’s brother
Bahaa, who had not been involved in Lebanese politics, made a comeback in 2017
and has been slowly building his base and securing media influence. He has
adopted a critical attitude toward his brother and his concessions to Hezbollah,
despite the party’s apparent role in the assassination of their father, Rafik,
in 2005. Saad’s attempt to rebuild his ties with Saudi Arabia and improve his
financial situation have failed. Basically, if he concedes to Hezbollah and Aoun
on the finance, interior, and justice ministries, he may face Saudi opposition,
which could increase his brother’s influence.
In addition to all these reasons, the political class in general does not appear
eager to form a government, as it would need to implement painful reforms in
order to unlock foreign aid. The country’s leaders would prefer a bailout in the
context of a shift in regional or international politics, as the requested
reforms today would require them to give up their leverage and patronage
networks in the system.
By the same token, a consensus government would revive the narrative of the
October 17 uprising, namely that the whole political class is responsible for
the calamitous state of affairs in Lebanon. Therefore, the delay in the
government is the result of a collective choice, and the politicians’ blame game
is merely an act. Ultimately, they prefer to allow the current caretaker
government of Hassan Diab to take the explosive step of lifting the remaining
subsidies on vital goods. Only then would a new cabinet step in and pick up the
pieces, preferably within the context of some sort of U.S.-Iran understanding.
The political class views procrastination as the most suitable policy to serve
its interests and those of its patrons abroad.
Lokman Slim’s culture war with Hezbollah should not be
forgotten after assassination
Farah Kawtharani/Al Arabiya/Thursday 11 March 2021
فرح كوثراني(ابنة د.منى فياض): يجب ألا تنسى حرب لقمان سليم الثقافية مع حزب الله
بعد اغتياله
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/96876/farah-kawtharani-lokman-slims-culture-war-with-hezbollah-should-not-be-forgotten-after-assassination-%d9%81%d8%b1%d8%ad-%d9%83%d9%88%d8%ab%d8%b1%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%8a-%d8%a7%d8%a8%d9%86%d8%a9/
On February 4, Lokman Slim, a writer, publisher, political analyst, filmmaker,
and NGO director was assassinated in south Lebanon, with four bullets shot to
his head. One month on, an investigation into his death has yielded little in
the way of results.
Significantly, the security of south Lebanon falls under the total control of
Hezbollah, the Iran-backed Shia extremist organization that has grown in the
last decade to fully control much of Lebanese governmental institutions through
its military power, as well as the cooptation and coercion of many of Lebanon’s
corrupt political elite.
Why was Lokman Slim such a threat to Hezbollah? He was a well-known prolific,
articulate, and dynamic activist and director of several cultural institutions,
and made frequent appearances on Lebanese and Arab satellite TVs. He fearlessly
criticized Hezbollah’s hegemony on the Lebanese state, presenting well-informed
and factually based analytical arguments. But most importantly, he was also a
Shia intellectual, and thus he represented an opposition to Hezbollah from
within its own religious community.
This is quite significant in a country that is deeply divided along sectarian
lines and where religious communities tend to support the de facto leader of
their religious community out of skepticism towards other communities. This is
where Lokman’s distinction resided: As a Shia opponent from within, he could not
be easily dismissed as an outsider who conspired against the Shiites, while his
strong arguments that attracted international attention could not be easily
ignored.
Lokman Slim knew the Shia religious and intellectual heritage too well. He
precisely used this knowledge to contest the hegemony of the Islamic Republic of
Iran on Shia Islam and on Lebanese Shiites in particular. Through his political
analysis and TV commentaries, he staunchly and unyieldingly criticized the
hegemony of Hezbollah on the Lebanese state, and its role as a military proxy
that implemented the Iranian agenda in both Lebanon and Syria.
Since 2012, Lokman Slim and his Shia fellow activists have been receiving
threats against their lives, the most notable of which was the statement by
Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah in 2015, in which he said he was not going
to tolerate any more the opposition of Shia activists whom he labeled “the
Shiites of the US Embassy,” in a bid to frame them as US spies.
Defamatory campaigns have been systematically waged against these activists in
recent years by Hezbollah-affiliated newspapers and TV stations, labeling them
as traitors, sell-outs, and US spies, and warning them to look out for their
lives if they do not desist.
Along with his political activism, Lokman Slim directed several cultural
projects through his research center UMAM. His most significant project was the
archival documentation of the collective memories of the turbulent past of
Lebanon, including the Civil War of 1975-1990. He wanted to preserve the social
identity of the region of southern Beirut, that came to be known as Dahiyeh, and
lately became the headquarters of Hezbollah.
Many Lebanese came to fear this area as it became associated with negative
social realities fostered by Hezbollah: Weapons, militiamen, surveillance of
everyday life, Khomeinist ideological propaganda, police-like censorship, and
drug trafficking.
But Lokman Slim was a resilient maker of cultural resistance against Hezbollah’s
hegemony: Through arts, cultural projects, archival work, films, photographic
exhibitions, he celebrated the preexistent cultural diversity that Hezbollah
tried so hard to suppress. He resisted by first physically persisting in their
geographical milieu, which was his ancestral home anyway, and secondly by
persevering with his cultural projects and publications. He contested that
geographical space dominated by Hezbollah through safeguarding the memory of a
pre-Hezbollah world, in which tolerance and diversity prevailed: When Muslims
and Christians lived together in one neighborhood, right-wing activists shared
public space with leftist activists, and women flaunted their liberty
fearlessly.
That was the world of Dahiyeh before Hezbollah occupied this space and created
an Orwellian world that is religiously and militaristically surveilled,
controlled, and ideologically censored according to the Iranian model.
In fact, Dahiyeh, under Hezbollah, has been turned into a militarized bastion
that flagrantly professes political allegiance to Iran, and remains festooned
with iconography praising the Islamic Republic. One can find humongous figurines
of Khomeini and Qassem Soleimani, flags of Hezbollah and Iran, banners and
posters displaying propaganda slogans, and portraits of thousands of young men
who died fighting in the wars of Hezbollah. The public space is periodically
occupied by military parades, while public microphones, permanently installed in
the streets, broadcast ideological material, including speeches made by
Nasrallah along with religious and militaristic chants.
In response, Lokman Slim resisted by creating cultural spaces for debate,
dialogue, and politically artistic expressions. For Lokman, research, political
analysis, and political art, were all acts of resistance in the face of
totalitarianism, the militarization of society, and the oppression of freedoms.
Lokman’s family is adamant on preserving his legacy. His sister Rasha al-Ameer
wants to keep the publishing house ongoing, while his wife Monika Borgmann plans
to keep operating the research center UMAM. More than any other time, it is
pressing for liberal democracies to show support for the liberal activists in
Lebanon and the Middle East. If these activists are left on their own to fight
for freedom, they will be exterminated one after the other by the new forces of
fascism in the Middle East.
The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on March 11-12/2021
Jordanian prince cancels Temple Mount visit following security mishap
Jerusalem Post/March 11/2021
The Crown Prince of Jordan Hussein bin Abdullah was meant to visit Temple Mount
on Wednesday. The visit never took place. Jordanian Crown Prince Hussein bin
Abdullah canceled a pre-planned Wednesday visit to the Temple Mount after Jordan
failed to uphold the agreed security arrangement with Israel, KAN 11 reported.
The Jordanians were limited to a set number of security guards but eventually
decided to bring a larger number. When Israel insisted they stick to the agreed
upon number, the Jordanians decided to cancel the visit. The security of
diplomatic guests visiting a country is on the shoulders of the hosting nation,
in this case, Israel. The Hashemite Kingdom has a historic relationship
with Jerusalem and its holy sites, including the Temple Mount, known as al-Haram
al-Sharif. Jordan controlled east Jerusalem from 1948-1967, including the Old
City. The Hashemite Kingdom has symbolically retained its custodianship of the
Al-Aqsa mosque compound. The site was where the first king of Jordan, Abdullah I
of Jordan, was assassinated in 1951 by a Palestinian. Abdullah was the
grandfather of King Hussein of Jordan, the grandfather of the crown prince.
Israeli-Jordanian ties have become strained during Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu's tenure, but as of late, they have warmed slightly. Foreign Minister
Gabi Ashkenazi has met three times with his Jordanian counterpart Ayman Safadi.
Netanyahu trip to UAE canceled amid Jordan imbroglio
Lahav Harkov/Jerusalem Post/March 11/2021
The trip was canceled for the fourth time due to a diplomatic dispute with
Jordan and the hospitalization of Netanyahu's wife Sara for appendicitis.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's trip to the United Arab Emirates was
canceled on Thursday, amid a diplomatic crisis with Jordan, and because
Netanyahu's wife, Sara, is hospitalized with appendicitis.
Jordan blocked Netanyahu’s planned flight to the United Arab Emirates from
entering its airspace on Thursday morning, the Prime Minister’s Office said.
“These difficulties apparently come from the cancelation of the Jordanian crown
prince’s visit to the Temple Mount, following a dispute over security
arrangements at the site,” the PMO said.
By midday Thursday, Jordan was willing to allow the flight to enter its
airspace, but Netanyahu and UAE leader Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammed bin
Zayed Al Nahyan had already agreed to postpone the prime minister’s visit, for
the fourth time since Israel and the UAE established diplomatic relations in
August.
Jordanian Crown Prince Hussein bin Abdullah had planned to visit the al-Aqsa
Mosque on the Temple Mount on Wednesday, following coordination with Israel on
his security.
However, the prince arrived at the Israeli border with more armed guards than
had been agreed on, Israeli sources said. The additional guards were not
permitted to enter Israel, and Hussein canceled his visit.
Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi said that “at the last minute Israel
wanted to impose new things and change the plans so that they would limit
Muslims [visiting the Temple Mount]… The Crown Prince canceled his visit out of
respect for the worshippers.
“The al-Aqsa Mosque and all of its territory is a place of worship for Muslims,”
Safadi said of Judaism’s holiest site. “There is no Israeli sovereignty over it.
It is in occupied Jerusalem. We will not accept any Israeli intervention in its
matters.”
Jordan occupied part of Jerusalem, including the Old City, from 1949-1967, not
allowing Jewish worshippers to access holy sites. Israel opened the Old City,
including the Temple Mount and Western Wall, to visitors of all faiths in 1967
and extended its sovereignty over all of Jerusalem in 1980.
Defense Minister Benny Gantz said in a meeting with regional council heads on
Wednesday that Netanyahu's poor relationship with Jordanian King Abdullah is
"the failure of the Netanyahu government in all of its 15 years.”"The strategic rift in relations between Israel and Jordan is precisely because
of Netanyahu," he said.
Israeli-Jordanian ties have been strained during Netanyahu's tenure, but have
warmed slightly as of late. Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi has met three times
with his Jordanian counterpart Safadi, and Gantz reportedly met with Jordanian
King Abdullah.
Netanyahu’s trip to the UAE was supposed to be his first since the announcement
of the Abraham Accords in August, marking peace and normalization between the
Gulf state and Israel.
Earlier Thursday, Netanyahu considered canceling his trip to the United Arab
Emirates after his wife, Sarah Netanyahu, was hospitalized with appendicitis.
Sarah Netanyahu felt unwell late Wednesday night and went to Hadassah-University
Medical Center in Jerusalem's Ein Kerem, where she was diagnosed with
appendicitis, and will remain in the hospital for several days. Netanyahu
accompanied his wife to the hospital.
The prime minister had planned to meet with Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Mohammad
bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the airport in the Emirati capital for a two-hour visit.
Israeli, Emirati and Saudi officials had worked on a possible secret meeting
between Netanyahu and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during his brief
trip to the UAE.
“MBS is ready to meet Bibi,” a well-placed Emirati source said.
Israel and Saudi Arabia do not have diplomatic relations, but ties between the
countries have been warming, especially in cooperation against their shared
adversary Iran. Netanyahu and MBS, as the Saudi crown prince is known, met in
November in the Saudi smart city of Neom, though neither has officially
confirmed it.
Asked about meeting with MBS on Tuesday, Netanyahu quipped: “What is it like to
ask questions you know you won’t get an answer to?”
The UAE trip was set to take place less than two weeks before the March 23
election, despite reports that officials in the Emirates were hesitant to host
Netanyahu on a date that would be viewed as political.
The source in Abu Dhabi confirmed that the election was a consideration, but the
UAE’s leadership decided to welcome Netanyahu regardless of the date.
Three previous Netanyahu visits to the UAE had been canceled: twice due to
COVID-19 lockdowns and restrictions, as well as political developments, and once
because of scheduling issues in Abu Dhabi. He had originally planned a trip of
several days, with stops in Dubai and Bahrain as well.
Speaking last month of a planned visit to the UAE, the prime minister said: “It
has great security, national and international importance.”Netanyahu also plans to meet with the prime ministers of Hungary and the Czech
Republic in Jerusalem on Thursday evening, to discuss cooperation on COVID-19
vaccine production.
Israel, UAE well positioned to lead the way in countering drone threats
Seth J.FrantzmanJerusalem Post/March 11/2021
A new memorandum of understanding was signed by Israel Aerospace Industries and
EDGE, the UAE’s advanced technology group.
A new memorandum of understanding (MoU) agreed to by Israel Aerospace Industries
and EDGE, the UAE’s advanced technology group, will seek to develop advanced C-UAS
(Counter-Unmanned Aircraft System) solutions “tailored to the UAE market, with
wider ranging benefits for the MENA [Middle East and North Africa] region and
beyond,” the companies said Thursday. This is a very important development.
First, it comes in the wake of the Abraham Accords. Second, it comes after the
IDEX defense exhibition in Abu Dhabi where Israeli companies participated for
the first time this year. Third, it meets a growing need by countries in the
region and around the world to stop drone threats. The memorandum notes that IAI
already has an anti-drone solution. This is called Drone Guard. It is similar to
systems from Israel’s other leading defense giants, such as Drone Dome by Rafael
Advanced Defense Systems. IAI’s radar subsidiary Elta is a leader in radar, and
Israel in general is a leader in radar, electro-optics and the jamming, missile
and laser technology needed to take down drones.
EDGE is “a young and disruptive company that has recently launched a series of
Electronic Warfare solutions at a rapid pace. [It] is leveraging its subsidiary,
SIGN4L, a leading provider of electronic warfare services and solutions for
national security, to collaborate with the Israeli defense manufacturer to build
the tailored C-UAS Solution,” the companies said Thursday. Drone threats are
growing rapidly. US Central Command believes that off-the-shelf drones are a
major emerging problem. We saw these threats in the ISIS battle in Mosul, where
drones were used by the terror group against coalition forces. In addition, Iran
is constantly building new drones. Iran-backed Houthis use drones daily against
Saudi Arabia. And Hezbollah has drones. Hamas has drones. Iran even flew a drone
from the T-4 base into Israeli airspace in 2018. Israel used a helicopter to
shoot it down.
Drones can be shot down with missiles and guns. They can also be jammed and
engaged with lasers. Many companies are working on a plethora of solutions.
However, like in the early days of air defense, it takes time to hone the
solution to the threat. Israel is a leader in deploying new defense technology.
The UAE is also a leader in technology and is aware of the growing threat. This
makes the countries well placed to collaborate. The new MoU is a symbol of these
new ties as well because Israel and the UAE are rapidly becoming a hub of new
technology and start-ups, and of exploiting advances in artificial intelligence
and other concepts. Countering drones is a good place for Israeli and UAE
defense tech to begin because the systems are defensive, not controversial and
pose no threats to other countries. The need for having multi-layered air
defense is something Israel knows well from developing Iron Dome, David’s Sling
and Arrow missiles and interceptors. Countering drones is a different world
because while you can use high priced missiles to down them, jamming them and
using lasers and other weapons, including using drones to attack other drones,
can be much cheaper and are all in the realm of possibility.
What is important for countries like Saudi Arabia is plugging all the gaps in
defenses to make sure no drones can get through – and have them rapidly engaged
if they do. The attack on Abqaiq in 2019 when Iran launched drones and cruise
missiles to attack Saudi Arabia illustrates the problem. Some 25 munitions were
flown from Iran to Saudi Arabia, around radar and air defenses. Better drone
solutions will include more radar, more electro-optics to confirm the threat
visually, and the ability to attempt jamming and use “hard kill” options to take
them down.
US Senators Introduce Resolution Condemning Assad Regime
Atrocities
Washington- Elie Youssef and Rana Abtar/Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday 11/March, 2021
Ten US Senators introduced a bipartisan resolution in observance of the tenth
anniversary of the Syrian uprising, calling on Washington to support
humanitarian aid to the people and condemn the Assad regime’s atrocities. The
resolution denounced the regime’s atrocities against its own citizens and
reaffirms the US commitment to hold the regime and its backers accountable for
their war crimes and crimes against humanity. It also lauds Syrian human rights
defenders’ brave efforts to document and expose the Assad regime’s unrelenting
and indiscriminate violence. Senator Bob Menendez said that for a decade, the
world has borne witness to Assad’s “brazen willingness to kill, torture, gas,
and starve his own people in order to maintain his grip on power.”He indicated
the Syrian people have suffered for far too long at the hands of a “butcher
whose relentless reign of terror” continues to be sponsored by Iran and Russia.
Menendez called on the US administration to use diplomatic re-engagement to seek
concrete measures that serve justice to Assad and help provide Syrians with a
path toward reconciliation, stability, and freedom. Senator Jim Risch, who is
also Ranking Member of Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC), said that for
over 10 years, Bashar al-Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers have
inflicted enormous suffering on Syrians in a prolonged campaign of torture,
starvation, chemical weapons, and barrel bombings. A senior member of the SFRC,
Senator Jeanne Shaheen, stated that the tenth anniversary is a reminder of what
is still at stake in Syria: the futures and freedoms of Syrians. Shaheen
reiterated the need to end the conflict and hold perpetrators to account, adding
that implementing lasting peace must continue to be a US national security
policy priority. They recalled that the Caesar Act seeks accountability for the
“Assad regime and its international enablers for atrocities against the Syrian
people, denies the Assad regime the resources to fuel its war machine, and sends
a clear signal to the international community against normalizing,
rehabilitating, or legitimizing Assad and his backers.”
The resolution mentions the role of the Iran and Russia military intervention in
support of the Assad regime, enabling and actively participating in the regime’s
horrific brutalities against civilians in favor of advancing their narrow
interests, which in some cases empowered extremist groups.
Meanwhile, the US State Department spokeswoman said that stability in Syria and
the wider region can only be achieved through a political process that
represents the will of all Syrians. Asked about the remarks of UAE’s Foreign
Minister Sheikh Abdallah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the official told Asharq Al-Awsat
in an email that Washington is committed to working with allies, partners, and
the UN to ensure that a political solution remains within reach. She said the
humanitarian crisis in Syria reached a critical point as a result of the
regime's blocking of aid to Syrians. “It is imperative for the regime and its
supporters to engage seriously in political dialogue and allow humanitarian
assistance to reach communities in need in order to achieve a sustainable end to
the Syrian people’s suffering,” the official said. Earlier, the FM said that the
Caesar Act is complicating the return of Syria to the Arab fold and undermining
regional rapprochement efforts. Speaking at a joint press conference with his
Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov, Al Nahyan asserted that the return of Syria
to the Arab League is in the interest of Syria and other countries of the
region. He pushed for “joint action with Syria,” saying that the US economic
pressure campaign “as it is today makes the matter difficult.”
UN Urges Syria to Locate Tens of Thousands Missing in War
Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday, 11 March, 2021
The UN rights chief on Thursday urged Syria's warring parties to disclose the
location of tens of thousands of missing people, as she marked 10 grim years
since the start of the war. Calling the anniversary a "tragic milestone", the
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet called for
an independent, international mechanism to locate the missing, or identify the
remains of victims. "I also urge all parties to the conflict, and those states
with influence over them, to halt arbitrary detentions and enforced
disappearances," she said in a statement. She added that people being
arbitrarily detained should be immediately released. Bachelet's office has no
access to Syria but said the number of missing men, women and children was
"estimated to be in the tens of thousands." The problem of unaccounted for
missing people pre-dates the outbreak of fighting in 2011. While victims are
overwhelmingly men, women are burdened with supporting themselves and their
families as they try to find out what happened to a missing relative, AFP
reported. They face potential risks in seeking information from officials, while
individuals prey on families by offering to help find their loved ones for
money. Not being able to find their relatives causes "continuing trauma for them
and severely (curtails) the enjoyment of their human rights", Bachelet said. She
called on Bashar al-Assad's regime to disclose all places of detention, provide
complete lists of names and ensure formal registration of those held in these
facilities. "If an individual has died, then their body or remains should be
returned to their family," she said. Syria's war has killed more than 387,000
people and displaced millions since starting in 2011 with the brutal repression
of anti-government protests.
Netanyahu: As Long as I’m PM, Iran Will Not Have Atomic
Bombs
Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday, 11 March, 2021
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed that Iran would not become a
country with nuclear military capabilities as long as he remained premier.
Speaking at a live meeting with constituents during an interview with Jerusalem
Post, Netanyahu said that he’s the only candidate who is capable of preventing
Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.He mocked his rivals, wondering who’d be
fit for leading Israel and facing such issues other than himself, saying: “you
need a leader with a world standing to resist the ongoing attempts of Iran to
arm themselves with nuclear weapons.” Netanyahu reviewed his efforts against the
nuclear deal, indicating that he had challenged the former US President, Barack
Obama, and stood against the agreement with Iran. He also referred to his speech
at the Congress, noting that if it weren’t for these efforts, including “sending
the Mossad into the heart of Tehran and yanking away their secret atomic archive
with 100,000 documents,” Iran would already have had a nuclear arsenal.
Netanyahu indicated that he had received praise from top international officials
because of his strict position in the face of the Iranian nuclear program, who
said they respect his leadership, and “we know that you stand against Iran, and
that’s why we’re standing with you.” Netanyahu refused to say that he is at odds
with the administration of US President Joe Biden on the nuclear deal. He
described his relationship with Biden as “very close” and “real,” saying he’s
known the president for over 40 years. Netanyahu indicated that he will discuss
with Biden issues of concern, and continue to consult on regional security
issues, including Iran.
Blinken Says Time For Foreign Forces to Leave Libya
Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday, 11 March, 2021
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken welcomed Libya's newly appointed interim
government. In a statement on Twitter, he congratulated Libyans for the unity
government, hoping that it would bring an end to the conflict. "Congratulations
to Libyans on the vote of confidence in support of the interim unity gov’t
cabinet. A welcome step toward elections in December and an end to the
conflict."Blinken also stressed the importance of ceasefire, calling on all
foreign troops to leave the country. "It is crucial to implement the ceasefire,
abide by the arms embargo, and for foreign forces to leave now." On Wednesday,
Libyan lawmakers confirmed a newly appointed interim government, in the hopes it
will help unify the divided, war-wrecked North African country, and shepherd it
through to elections at the end of the year. The 132 lawmakers approved the
government of Prime Minister Abdulhamid Dbeibeh, which replaces two rival
administrations — one based in the country's east and another in the west — that
have been ruling Libya for years.
Iraqi PM’s Call for National Dialogue Divides Shiite
Parties
Baghdad - Asharq Al-Awsat/Thursday, 11 March, 2021
Iraqi Shiite blocs are divided over Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi's call for
a national dialogue to solve the differences among the country’s rival groups.
Head of Iraqis coalition Ammar al-Hakim announced his support for the dialogue,
and so did the leader of Nasr alliance, former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.
However, Iran affiliates such as the State of Law Coalition, led by Nouri al-Maliki,
and Fatah alliance of Hadi al-Amiri refrained from declaring their position.
Head of Sadrist Movement Muqtada al-Sadr said he supports the call for dialogue,
and his spokesman Haidar al-Jabri called to activate a UN-led dialogue on
reforms. Speaking at a press conference, Jabri said the dialogue should exclude
parties affiliated with the Baath party or terrorist organizations, without
clarifying the nature of the UN’s role. On Monday, Kadhimi asked rival parties
and groups to put their differences aside and work together toward a stable and
prosperous Iraq. He invited all rivals to open a frank dialogue with the
government on the basis of preserving the security of Iraq, supporting the
state, and the rule of law. He invited all political parties, protesters, and
opposition figures to the dialogue table. Kadhimi’s advisor Hussein Allawi
confirmed that the Prime Minister’s initiative will be a platform for national
dialogue. Allawi is a member of the advisory team set to determine the
mechanisms for the dialogue, the parties included, and the date of the first
meeting. He told the official Iraqi News Agency (INA) that the all-party talks
are very important to revitalize the political process and support the Iraqi
state. Allawi added that the initiative was welcomed by the national components,
social forces, and the Iraqi public. “The national dialogue is a process of
pushing Iraq towards a new political contract for social harmony,” said Allawi.
He pointed out that the initiative is a platform that brings together the vision
of the executive authority promoted by the President, who also supports the
initiative of the Prime Minister. Kadhimi will work with the political parties
to produce the new political contract of Iraq for a new public policy and
economic approach while addressing issues of corruption, poverty, and
unemployment. Allawi stressed that the dialogue will also address the issue of
illegitimate arms. Iraq now has a great opportunity to avoid futile political
rivalry that has hindered economic development and the ability to attract
foreign investments, according to Allawi.
Putin, Erdogan Launch New Phase of Turkish Nuclear Power
Plant
Agence France Presse/March 11, 2021
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan vowed
Wednesday to improve cooperation as they launched the construction of a new
reactor at Turkey's first nuclear power plant. The two leaders each pressed a
button on their office desks in Moscow and Ankara in a video link ceremony
unveiling the third phase of Akkuyu station's construction project. Russia's
Rosatom state nuclear energy firm began building the first of four planned
reactors on Turkey's south coast in 2018. Erdogan hopes to put the plant online
by the time Turkey celebrates its centenary as a post-Ottoman republic in 2023.
Putin said he expected the project to "improve the Russian-Turkish partnership
in all its facets, helping strengthen friendship and mutual understanding
between our countries' peoples". Erdogan echoed similar thoughts. "The close
dialogue that we established with my esteemed friend (Putin) is playing a key
role not only in bilateral relations but also in preserving regional peace and
stability," Erdogan said. Putin and Erdogan have enjoyed a complex relationship
while leading their countries for most of the past 20 years. They found
themselves on opposite sides of the war in Syria but are now working closely
together on a peace plan that could bring an end to a decade of strife. Their
ties plunged to a nadir when Turkish forces shot down a Russian warplane near
the Syrian border in November 2015. But they recovered quickly and Putin
attended the launch of the Akkuyu plant's construction in April 2018. Russian
news reports estimate the cost of the entire project at around $20 billion (17
billion euros). Turkey is heavily reliant on oil and natural gas imports --
including from Russia. Erdogan said he expected the plant to supply 10 percent
of Turkey's electricity needs when completed.
After Abu Dhabi, Riyadh signals intent to pursue
rapprochement with Syria
The Arab Weekly/March 11/2021
RIYADH--Beyond the expected talk about strengthening bilateral cooperation,
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov’s talks in Saudi Arabia sent signals to
Washington about Gulf countries’ recalibrated stances on regional issues.There
was hence agreement expressed on the need for dialogue to stop the war in Yemen.
Concerning Syria, the Saudis seemed to nudge closer to Russia’s position on
reaching a political solution that would end Syrians’ suffering. Saudi Foreign
Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan said in a joint press conference with his
Russian counterpart that the Syrian settlement requires a comprehensive
political solution, reiterating his country’s desire for an end to this crisis.
“We are keen to coordinate with all parties, including Russia, to find a
solution to the Syrian crisis,” he added. On the eve of Lavrov’s visit to
Riyadh, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz met with the
Russian president’s special envoy for Syrian settlement affairs Alexander
Lavrentiev, and discussed with him the latest developments in Syria, confirming
official Saudi interest in the Syrian issue. Gulf analysts said that the Saudi
focus on the Syrian issue, only one day after it was discussed by Emirati
Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan, carries a coded message to
the Americans. The substance of this message is that if you want to nudge closer
to Iran and allow it to resume nuclear weapon development without clear checks
on its regional ambitions, then we will push for a solution to the Syrian file
and that will take into account our interests and the interests of the region,
even if they conflict with Washington’s calculations.
The analysts added that Saudi Arabia is pushing for a resolution of the Syrian
problem due to various considerations. Some are security-related, especially
that war has lasted for ten years and has become a major security concern for
the countries of the region as a whole. The Syrian battleground provides fertile
ground to nurture extremism among the region’s youth, as radical groups are able
to use social media as a way to play on the religious sentiment of the new
generations. The kingdom wants to promote an international solution in Syria
that would deprive Iran of a key card since Tehran has become a major player in
Syria at the same time as Russia and Turkey. Tehran has succeeded in setting up
influence networks that enable it to plan a long-term presence in Syria, which
could serve a as a launch-pad for Iranian activities in the rest of the region,
especially in Lebanon.
The Saudis and the Emiratis are looking at the matter from a pragmatic
perspective. They particularly see a political solution as ending justifications
for Iran’s presence in Syria. Such a solution could be an additional factor
pressuring Tehran to withdraw from other files such as Yemen’s.
This comes amid emerging international momentum in favour of a final settlement
in Yemen. This would relieve Saudi Arabia of the security and financial burden
of the war and push Iran to stop its intervention in Yemen and support for the
Houthi rebels. Such an outcome, if it materialises, will vindicate the Saudis’
intervention in Yemen.
Arab Gulf nations have found in the inauguration of a new US administration an
opportunity to present different views that serve their regional interests,
including pushing for a solution in Syria and the return of Damascus to the Arab
fold. This would end the use of Syria as a battlefield for conflicting regional
and international agendas and as an arena for testing weapons and training
militias.
The US State Department responded to the Emirati foreign minister’s statements
on Tuesday regarding the effects of the US “Caesar Act” on the lives of Syrians
and considered that this law has nothing to do with the humanitarian crisis in
Syria, and blamed the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad for that.
A US State Department spokesman said that, “stability in Syria and the wider
region can only be achieved through a political process that represents the will
of all Syrians.”The Emirati foreign minister had declared in the presence of his
Russian counterpart that “the return of Syria to its environment is inevitable,
and is in the interest of Syria and the region as a whole, and the biggest
challenge facing coordination and joint work with Syria is the Caesar Act.”Abu
Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan bestowed the “Order of
the Union” on the Russian foreign minister while Lavriov’s deputy, Mikhail
Bogdanov, was presented with the “Order of Zayed II,” illustrating the visit’s
significance for bilateral relations. Gulf analysts consider that the
Russian-Gulf rapprochement does not stop at the issue of Syria, extending to the
important domain of tripartite coordination (between Saudi Arabia, the UAE and
Russia) on the issue of oil within the framework of OPEC + and the pursuit of
market equilibrium.
The Saudi foreign minister said during his joint press conference with his
Russian counterpart that cooperation between Riyadh and Moscow within OPEC+ has
“contributed to the stability of energy markets during the difficult past period
in 2020, which was affected by the consequences of the coronavirus pandemic, and
the results of this cooperation have contributed to protecting the global
economic system.”Saudi Arabia was also keen during Lavrov’s visit to demonstrate
its serious desire to reach a solution in Yemen, while adhering to its right to
defend its national security and thwart Iranian-backed Houthi attacks. Prince
Farhan said after his meeting with Lavrov, “We renewed our support to a
political solution to the crisis in Yemen. The implementation of the Riyadh
Agreement and the formation of the new Yemeni government are an important step
in opening the way for an integrated political solution to the crisis, and we
affirm our support for the efforts of the UN envoy towards achieving a
comprehensive ceasefire and starting an inclusive political process.” He pledged
that his country would take “the necessary and deterrent measures to protect its
national capabilities and assets in order to preserve global energy security and
stop terrorist attacks, ensure the stability of energy supplies, the security of
petroleum exports, and guarantee maritime traffic and global trade.”Lavrov, for
his part, considered that “the conflict in Yemen must end (…) and that the
warring parties should sit at the negotiating table.”During his visit to Riyadh,
Lavrov met Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz.The Saudi Press
Agency (SPA) said that during the meeting, they both reviewed bilateral
relations and ways to enhance them in various fields so as to serve the
countries’ common interests.
During the meeting, developments in the regional and international situations
were discussed and efforts deployed to enhance security and stability.
Vaccine Hope, but Battle Drags on One Year after Pandemic
Declared
Agence France Presse/March 11, 2021
The world on Thursday marked one year since the coronavirus threat was declared
a pandemic, with vaccinations offering hope but much of humanity still enduring
highly restricted lives and no clear path back to normality. The enormity of the
continuing global challenge was reflected in a stark warning by the
International Council of Nurses that an exodus is looming of healthcare workers
traumatised by the pandemic. "They reach a point where they've given everything
they can," ICN chief executive Howard Catton told reporters. While restrictions
are easing in many parts of the world, hotspots persist such as Brazil, which on
Wednesday reported a record 2,286 deaths in a single day as more contagious new
variants fuel a surge there. "It took a long time for the politicians to act...
We are paying for it, the poor people," said Adilson Menezes, 40, outside a
hospital in Brazil's biggest city Sao Paulo, where all non-essential businesses
are closed to help fight the virus. On the economic front, the US Congress
passed one of its biggest stimulus efforts ever -- a $1.9 trillion package that
President Joe Biden said would give struggling American families a "fighting
chance". Since first emerging in China at the end of 2019, the coronavirus has
killed more than 2.6 million people and forced unprecedented curbs on movement
that eviscerated economies. The World Health Organization officially declared
Covid-19 a pandemic on March 11 last year as infection numbers were beginning to
explode across Asia and Europe. About 4,600 deaths had been officially recorded
around the world at the time. But with the United States only just starting to
feel the direct impacts of the pandemic, then-president Donald Trump played down
the threat. "The virus will not have a chance against us," Trump told the
nation. Under his chaotic leadership, the United States would become the
hardest-hit nation: the American death toll today stands at more than 528,000.
'War footing'
The only defences to the contagious virus one year ago appeared to be face masks
and stopping people from interacting. Global aviation came to a standstill and
governments imposed deeply unpopular restrictions, forcing billions of fearful
people into some form of lockdown. "We are on a war footing," Corinne Krencker,
the head of a hospital network in eastern France told AFP on March 11 last year,
as patient and death numbers began to surge. At the same time, governments and
scientists launched the race to create vaccines -- research and development that
would take place at an unprecedented, breakneck pace. Today, several shots are
being rolled out, including those developed in the United States, Germany,
China, Russia and India.More than 300 million vaccine doses have been
administered in 140 countries, according to an AFP count.
Power, wealth divides -
The global vaccine rollout has also exposed power and wealth divides. Rich
nations have surged ahead with their mass vaccination programs, while billions
in poorer nations are still waiting to receive shots.
Hope for a worldwide push has been boosted by the launch of deliveries under the
WHO-backed Covax scheme, which aims to ensure equitable access to Covid-19
vaccines. The success of the AstraZeneca/Oxford and Johnson & Johnson shots is
further cause for optimism as they are easier to transport and store than the
ones from Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna, which require storage at ultra-cold
temperatures. But AstraZeneca hit a snag on Thursday as Denmark temporarily
suspended its use as a precaution after some patients developed blood clots
since receiving the jab. The European Union's medical regulator was set to meet
Thursday to discuss authorisation for the J&J vaccine, which has already been
approved by Canada and the United States. It would be the fourth vaccine to get
the nod from the Amsterdam-based European Medicines Agency for use in the bloc
after the Pfizer/BioNTech, Moderna and AstraZeneca/Oxford jabs received green
lights. The EU has come under fire for its slow vaccine rollout -- which it has
blamed on supply and production issues. On Thursday, the EU said it would extend
until the end of June a scheme to monitor exports of vaccines from the bloc.
'Light at end of tunnel'
The US vaccination effort has gained momentum in recent weeks, with Biden vowing
to have enough doses in place within months for the entire American population.
His administration has driven through the massive economic stimulus package,
which Biden is expected to sign into law on Friday.
Biden is set to deliver a prime-time address on Thursday in which he will offer
an optimistic vision for his nation, and by extension the world. "There is real
reason for hope, folks, I promise you," Biden said in a preview of his remarks.
"There is light at the end of the tunnel."
The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on March 11-12/2021
Middle East: The Ghosts of Sovereigns Past
Naomi Linder Kahn/Gatestone Institute'/March 11, 2021
The State of Israel continues to enforce Jordanian law [in the West Bank, or
Judea and Samaria] -- despite its clearly racist and backward underpinnings.
No matter what side of the political divide you view it from, a legislative and
legal time-warp has trapped the residents of these territories – Jews and Arabs,
Israelis and Palestinians – in amber for more than five decades. The result:
legal chaos, injustice and incessant conflict.
Ironically, Israel's legal reticence continues to fuel the endless conflict over
the land itself... that could be avoided by simply completing the process of
land survey and registration initiated by the Ottoman Empire and continued by
the British Mandatory and Jordanian governments in turn.
Surveying and registering land ownership was not perceived as an act of
sovereignty when the British caretakers undertook it; there seems no reason why
it should be regarded that way now.
This same vacuum has made it impossible to formulate forward-thinking policy for
land use, environmental protection, settlement policy, and perhaps most
critically, a negotiated resolution of the status of the territory. Without
establishing who owns what, it is impossible to proceed toward a just division
of resources or a peaceful resolution of the conflict.
The time has come to banish the antiquated ghosts of Ottoman, Jordanian and
British Mandatory rule, and to fill the legal void in Judea and Samaria with a
modern, humanist, democratic system of law for everyone.
Now that the debate surrounding the extension of Israeli sovereignty to the
Jewish communities of Judea and Samaria has abated somewhat in light of the
Abraham Accords, the time may be ripe to take a closer look at the legal status
of these territories.
The picture that emerges might be surprising. More than a century after the
dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the empire's ghost continues to reign. More
than 50 years after Israel's victory in the Six Day War, more than 30 years
after King Hussein of Jordan publicly relinquished all legal and administrative
ties to this territory, and more than 25 years after Jordan signed a peace
treaty with Israel, officially relinquishing all territorial claims, the State
of Israel continues to enforce Jordanian law -- despite its clearly racist and
backward underpinnings.
In the aftermath of the 1967 Six Day War, despite the clear moral and legal
justification for full and unambiguous annexation of the territory, Israel
instead chose to refrain from the natural, normal and expected steps that any
and every other government takes following an undisputed outcome in a war of
self-defense. The Israeli authorities instead chose to put in place "temporary
arrangements" that continue to hold the area in legal limbo to this day.[1] At
present, the State of Israel continues to enforce a combination of Jordanian and
Ottoman law, rather than Israeli law -- for fear of being accused in
international forums, particularly the United Nations Security Council, of "acts
of sovereignty."
In what has proven to be a most unfortunate policy decision – which continues to
wreak havoc on the lives of the Arabs and Jews who live in these areas, Israel
continues to honor the Jordanian legislation that prohibits inheritance or
purchase of land by women – both Arabs and Jews. Israeli courts continue to
honor antisemitic Jordanian legislation that bars Jewish individuals from
purchasing land in Judea and Samaria.[2] Israel continues to honor outdated
Ottoman laws – abandoned everywhere else in the world more than 100 years ago[3]
-- that enable massive property theft through agricultural use.
In this bit of absurdity, every man and woman in the disputed territories known
as Judea and Samaria -- or the "West Bank" (of the Jordan River) -- is being
denied the most basic rights that form the bedrock of modern Western
democracies. No matter what side of the political divide you view it from, a
legislative and legal time-warp has trapped the residents of these territories –
Arabs and Jews, Palestinians and Israelis – in amber for more than five decades.
The result: legal chaos, injustice and incessant conflict.
Ironically, Israel's legal reticence continues to fuel the endless conflict over
the land itself, as well as a massive waste of resources -- monotonous cycles of
construction, lawsuit , demolition, reconstruction -- that could be avoided by
simply completing the process of land survey and registration initiated by the
Ottoman Empire and continued by the British Mandatory and Jordanian governments
in turn.[4]
Surveying and registering land ownership was not perceived as an act of
sovereignty when the British caretakers undertook it; there seems no reason why
it should be regarded that way now.
In short, the legal and legislative vacuum that has resulted from Israel's
well-intentioned decision to retain Ottoman and Jordanian law in the territories
that came under its legal jurisdiction over 50 years ago continues to deprive
both the Arabs and Jews who live there of their basic rights. This same vacuum
has made it impossible to formulate forward-thinking policy for land use,
environmental protection, settlement policy, and perhaps most critically, a
negotiated resolution of the status of the territory. Without establishing who
owns what, it is impossible to proceed toward a just division of resources or a
peaceful resolution of the conflict.
Israel has spent so many decades avoiding any action in order not to be seen in
a bad light, that it has created an unforgiveable vacuum of human rights and
governance and a black hole of law and accountability. These continue to turn
normal life for everyone who lives there into a bureaucratic nightmare. The time
has come to banish the antiquated ghosts of Ottoman, Jordanian and British
Mandatory rule, and to fill the legal void in Judea and Samaria with a modern,
humanist, democratic system of law for everyone.
Naomi Linder Kahn is Director of the International Division of Regavim, an
Israeli non-profit dedicated to ensuring legal, responsible use of Israel's land
resources.
[1] For a review and summary of the regulatory and legal processes still in
effect in Judea and Samaria, see "Report of the Committee Examining the Issue of
Land Registration in Judea and Samaria" (the Zamir Commission), 2005 (Hebrew).
[2] https://bit.ly/3sKAOPP (Hebrew)
[3] See Haim Sandberg, "Regulation of Property and Land Rights in the Land of
Israel and the State of Israel" (Hebrew) (2000) for a history of the evolution
of law in these areas and the evolution of Ottoman Land Law throughout the
Middle East. Zandberg's describes the Ottoman Empire's attempt to replace the
land registry system instituted in 1858 in favor of a cadastre-based system in
1913; this plan never came to fruition due to the outbreak of hostilities and
the disbanding of the Empire following WWI (pp. 110-118).
[4] See Dr. Chagai Vinizky and Attorney Daniel Kramer, "Land Registries in Judea
and Samaria" (Hebrew), in Land Law and International Law in Judea and Samaria
(2013: The Adam v'Adamah Center), pp. 113-209).
© 2021 Gatestone Institute. All rights reserved. The articles printed here do
not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors or of Gatestone Institute. No
part of the Gatestone website or any of its contents may be reproduced, copied
or modified, without the prior written consent of Gatestone Institute.
Turkey: Erdoğan's War on Peace
Burak Bekdil/Gatestone Institute'/March 11, 2021
الصحافي التركي بوراك بكديل من معهد كايتستون: حرب أردوغان على السلام
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/96873/burak-bekdil-gatestone-institute-turkey-erdogans-war-on-peace-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b5%d8%ad%d8%a7%d9%81%d9%8a-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%aa%d8%b1%d9%83%d9%8a-%d8%a8%d9%88%d8%b1%d8%a7%d9%83-%d8%a8%d9%83%d8%af/
The margin of victory [by the opposition candidate Ekrem İmamoglu
in the 2019 Istanbul mayoral election] shocked Erdoğan and his party
establishment. That night marked an unforgettable defeat for the invincible
Erdoğan. It also marked a new, advanced phase in Islamists' war on Kurds.
Erdoğan advocates more subtle ways to intimidate opposition. He has been jailing
HDP's democratically elected leaders, MPs and mayors, and appointing trustees in
their place.
Erdoğan does not have to shut down the HDP when he has de facto crippled it. The
party's two co-chairmen, Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, have been in
jail since 2016.
In February, the crackdown took a new ugly turn. Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, a
former Islamist, human rights activist and HDP MP, retweeted a post in 2016,
advocating peace in the Kurdish dispute. A Turkish court sentenced him to 2½
years in jail for the retweet -- although, ironically, the original tweet source
had not been indicted. In February the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld
Gergerlioglu's sentence for "spreading terrorist propaganda" -- five years after
the retweet.
Erdogan's Kurdish problem, however, has the potential to cost him more than just
Istanbul. Research found that the fertility rate in the Kurdish-speaking,
eastern part of Turkey was 3.41, as opposed to an average of 2.09 in the
Turkish-speaking, non-eastern areas. Kurdish votes in the presidential election
year 2023 may reach seven million: Kurds could be the kingmakers.
The race for the Istanbul election on March 31, 2019 went full steam ahead.
Islamist parties had controlled Turkey's biggest city since 1994 – a full 25
years. Istanbul was not just another city to win for any party. Turkey's
Islamist president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, had put it: "Who wins Istanbul, wins
Turkey."
In the run-up to the 2019 election, Erdoğan realized that his Justice and
Development Party (AKP) might lose if Istanbul's two million or so Kurds voted
for the opposition candidate, Ekrem İmamoglu. What to do? State broadcaster TRT
read a statement from Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed leader of Kurdistan Workers'
Party (PKK), a terrorist organization. Öcalan's letter called on Kurds to remain
neutral between the government and opposition candidates. That would result in
de facto support for the AKP candidate, former Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım.
The vote count on March 31, however, proved to be a political fiasco. İmamoglu
had won by a narrow margin of 13,000 votes (in a city of 18 million) but the AKP-controlled
Supreme Election Board ruled for a rerun on June 23. This time İmamoglu won by a
margin of 800,000 votes. The margin of victory shocked Erdoğan and his party
establishment. That night marked an unforgettable defeat for the invincible
Erdoğan. It also marked a new, advanced phase in Islamists' war on Kurds.
Apparently the Kurds, ignoring Ocalan's letter, voted for İmamoglu.
Erdoğan's staunch ultranationalist ally, Devlet Bahçeli, has been persistently
calling for a permanent ban by a Constitutional Court of the pro-Kurdish
Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), the third-largest party in the Turkish
parliament. Erdoğan advocates more subtle ways to intimidate the opposition. He
has been jailing HDP's democratically elected leaders, MPs and mayors, and
appointing trustees in their place.
Erdoğan does not have to shut down the HDP when he has de facto crippled it. The
party's two co-chairmen, Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, have been in
jail since 2016.
Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ were arrested on "terrorism" charges but theirs remain a
curious and bitter legal story. In 2014, HDP called on its supporters to
peacefully protest the capture by Islamic State of a northern Syrian Kurdish
town, Kobane. What initially began as peaceful protests turned into violence
between protesters and security forces, as well as between protesters of rival
ideologies.
After a week of violence swept Turkey's predominantly Kurdish cities in the
country's southeast, 46 people had been killed and 682 injured. More than 300
people were detained for the violence. Turkish prosecutors drafted indictments
against Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ (along with nine other HDP MPs) for provoking
violence -- 6½ years after the incidents. "This is an attempt to ban politics,"
wrote Turkish columnist Mehmet Yılmaz.
In order to bypass the more radical option of closing down a political party,
Erdoğan may also be considering additional measures to deal a further blow to
the HDP. These include stripping the party of state funding, as party closure
looks as if it would not work as a deterrent. HDP is Turkey's eighth pro-Kurdish
party: seven others have been banned. Kurds formed their first one in 1990.
Between 1994 and 2015, however, the Kurdish vote in Turkey rose from 4.1% to
13.1% of the total vote, or from 1.1 million votes to more than six million.
The HDP claims it is facing an unprecedented legal crackdown. 16,000 of its
members have been detained and dozens of deputies ousted from parliament and
jailed under Turkey's anti-terror legislation. The government currently is
working on lifting the parliamentary immunity of all HDP deputies who are
subject to summary proceedings -- expedited rulings -- on charges of
"terrorism." So far, 56 deputies from HDP have 914 summary proceedings against
them.
"Seriously," asked columnist Akif Beki, "would the crackdown [on Kurdish
politicians] take place if Istanbul's Kurdish voters had remained neutral and
the AKP won Istanbul?"
With a new court ruling on another prominent Kurdish politician in February, the
crackdown took a new ugly turn. Ömer Faruk Gergerlioğlu, a former Islamist,
human rights activist and HDP MP, retweeted a post in 2016, advocating peace in
the Kurdish dispute. A Turkish court sentenced him to 2½ years in jail for the
retweet -- although, ironically, the original tweet source had not been
indicted. In February, the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld Gergerlioglu's
sentence for "spreading terrorist propaganda" -- five years after the retweet.
Erdogan's Kurdish problem, however, has the potential to cost him more than just
Istanbul. Research has found that the fertility rate in the Kurdish-speaking,
eastern part of Turkey was 3.41, as opposed to an average of 2.09 in the
Turkish-speaking, non-eastern areas. Kurdish votes in the presidential election
year 2023 may reach seven million: Kurds could be the kingmakers.
There are signs that more and more Kurds feel disenchanted by Erdoğan's hawkish
policy. Rawest Araştırma, a pollster, found in February that one quarter of
Kurds who had previously voted for Erdoğan said they would not vote for him
again.
Erdoğan's war on peace may prove self-defeating.
*Burak Bekdil, one of Turkey's leading journalists, was recently fired from the
country's most noted newspaper after 29 years, for writing in Gatestone what is
taking place in Turkey. He is a Fellow at the Middle East Forum.
© 2021 Gatestone Institute. All rights reserved. The articles printed here do
not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors or of Gatestone Institute. No
part of the Gatestone website or any of its contents may be reproduced, copied
or modified, without the prior written consent of Gatestone Institute.
Iraq...A Tormented Country Visited by the Pope
Hazem Saghieh/Asharq Al Awsat/March 11/2021
Iraq is a tormented country. Its poetry speaks of its agony and its songs echoes
its pain. Deep feelings of guilt weigh heavily on Iraqis’ souls, burdened by the
Iranian policy of expansion, ISIS, militias, corruption and impoverishment.
Without even looking into the role ascribed to forsaking Hussein the son of Ali
and the battle of Karbala in establishing this sentiment, the modern era is
itself rich with reasons to feel guilty..Those killed today will be revealed as
innocent victims tomorrow, while paths taken often lead to depressing
destinations different to those that had been expected.
Feelings of guilt could be expressed by one community in this phase and another
community in that phase, but their overwhelming presence remains among the
elements shaping Iraq’s politics and society, or rather the weakness of this
politics and this society.
Let us go over a little history:
The Ottoman officers who sided with the Hashemite Revolt of 1916 found
themselves fighting the Germans who had trained them alongside the British they
had been brought up despising. Later on, those officers cooperated with the
British in governing Damascus for a short period and then in the governance of
Baghdad for a long period, some believe until 1958.
Those in the center and the south who launched the Iraqi Revolt of 1920 suddenly
realized, after it ended, that they had not harmed anyone but themselves. They
were sidelined from the decision-making process, and their exclusion went on
until 2003.
In 1941, the Farhoud Pogrom befell Iraq’s Jews. It was the inception of the
process through which the country was emptied of its Jews, after they had
constituted more than a quarter of Baghdad’s residents in the nineteen twenties.
Today, there is an explicit nostalgia, in writing, memoirs and cinema, for
Iraq’s Jews and “their old days.’’
The subsequent centuries would pave wider paths to tragedy. In 1958 the massacre
of the royal family dyed the new republic’s face with blood. In 1963, with
extreme carnage, the Baathists brought down Abdel Karim Kassem and then executed
him. Since 1968, the regime has implicated many Iraqis in causing other Iraqis
pain. Saddam’s wars resulted in the deaths of many of his citizens and that of
many others. His execution at dawn on Eid al-Adha in 2006 and the civil war of
the same year were mass producers of feelings of guilt.
All of these momentous events pierced many hearts, those of this team and the
other. Today, some Iraqi shed tears for Faisal the Second and the Hashemite
family. Others shed them for Kassem, some for Saddam, and more numerous than
them all are those who shed tears for the victims of Saddam and his wars.
In addition to crying over the Jews, there is also crying over the Kurds and
Christians. During this long period, the killing of Kurds, with which the birth
of modern Iraq was inaugurated, has not stopped: The country was established in
1920, shortly after Mahmoud al-Hafid’s uprising was defeated. Demand for Kurdish
blood has not subsided since then.
As for the Christians, whom Pope Francis came to console and whose spirits he
came to raise, the suffering of their modern history begins with the 1933 Simele
massacre that targeted Assyrians to reach the ISIS emergence. The number of
Christians living in Iraq has decreased from one and a half million people at
the start of this century to between 300,000 and 400,000 people today.
This blood-soaked history is what Pope Francis came to assuage. But can the pope
do it?
In 2003, when the Americans toppled Saddam Hussein, it seemed to some that an
opportunity had emerged to put an end to the bloodshed and contain the feelings
of guilts stemming from various sources. The Iraqi people’s reclamation of their
Iraq, life under a democratic system, loomed on the horizon.
Subsequent developments proved those who had made this assessment mistaken:
those with the lion’s share of the new regime’s power have gifted Iraq to Iran
amid gradual US withdrawal. They gave the sectarian primacy over the national,
imitating those who preceded them in power after the roles had been reversed.
The stronger Iran, the stronger ISIS or its equivalent, and the greater the
number of both Christians and non-Christians killed. When this happens, the
voices of those calling for a stronger Iranian presence in Iraq to ensure that
Iraqis can face ISIS grow louder, and this cycle goes on and on…
The past and ongoing ramifications of granting this glorious gift to Iran could
transform, in some tomorrow, into a source of guilt that supersedes all of those
that preceded it. As for the pope’s visit, the fact that it comes amid this
climate is a reason to worry about its productivity. This is because preaching
about love to those filled with hate is likely to remain nothing more than
preaching, akin to calling for peace among worriers. The fact is that only armed
peace and love can save Iraq from its pains and the feelings of guilt arising
from this pain. And of course, Pope Francis does not fight.
Cynthia Farahat on the Muslim Brotherhood's "Secret Apparatus"
Marilyn Stern/Middle East Forum Webinar/March 11/2021
https://www.meforum.org/62103/farahat-on-muslim-brotherhoods-secret-apparatus
Cynthia Farahat, a Middle East Forum writing fellow, spoke to participants in a
February 1 Middle East Forum webinar (video) about the Muslim Brotherhood's
covert terror apparatus and the threat it poses to the West, the topic of her
forthcoming book, The Secret Apparatus: The Muslim Brotherhood's Industry of
Death.
Founded in Cairo in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna, the Muslim Brotherhood organization
operated as a terrorist group from the start, according to Farahat, albeit a
"much more sophisticated" one. Its political activities in Egypt and later other
countries are designed to support its violent mission. Indeed she characterized
the Brotherhood as "more of a secret military apparatus with a political façade
... than a political group with a terrorism apparatus."
Although violent arms of the Brotherhood are typically franchised under
different names, the connection to the Brotherhood of many contemporary jihadist
groups is not difficult to trace. Al-Qaeda was "founded by active members of the
Muslim Brotherhood," said Farahat, adding that she has compiled evidence that
Osama bin Laden "remained a member of the Muslim Brotherhood until the day he
died." The late ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi was well known to have been "a
former member of the Muslim Brotherhood." Muslim Brotherhood operatives have
also "governed several countries, such as Sudan."
Contrary to the claims of apologists, the Muslim Brotherhood's secret apparatus
is "still operational" as an "intricate international criminal enterprise."
Ostensibly nonviolent arms of the Brotherhood are designed to support this
apparatus. Skilled at training the next generation, the Muslim Brotherhood
enlists juveniles and teen members in "scout cells" where they receive physical
preparation that equips them for "jihadist training." A Brotherhood-designated
cyber committee that Farahat documents in her book trains acolytes under the age
of 30 in the use of "social media to spread the ... narrative ... [and] recruit
new members and terrorists."
Farahat's goal in writing her book is to provide irrefutable evidence of the
Muslim Brotherhood's continuing terror ties and give the U.S. government and
counterterrorism professionals "the ammunition to designate the Muslim
Brotherhood as a terrorist group."
In addition, she hopes to enable the mainstream Western reader to "identify
patterns of behavior that will help counter the Muslim Brotherhood threat" and
decipher the Brotherhood's use of "code language" to disguise its subversive
activities. Words and phrases used by the Muslim Brotherhood often "don't mean
what you think they mean," said Farahat. Western audiences commonly mirror their
own associations when hearing supposedly benign statements. "We can fall into
this trap of associating our own definitions with these words, while they often
mean the opposite." For example, the word "freedom," with all its liberal
associations in the Western mind, "means the exact opposite ... when they use
[it] ... it means subjugation under Sharia law."
Farahat believes it is imperative for the West to comprehend the "relationship
Islamists have to history." Islamists seek to restore their past glory days and
learn tactical lessons by studying the German Communist Party, the Nazi Party,
and Stalin's playbook to wage "covert warfare" against the Western democracies.
"While a Westerner would say, 'Those who do not learn from history are doomed to
repeat it,' an Islamist would say, 'Those who do not learn from history cannot
accurately repeat it.'"
*Marilyn Stern is communications coordinator at the Middle East Forum.
Olympics Needs to Uphold Ban on Iran’s Discrimination
David May and Benjamin Weinthal/The National Interest/March 11/2021
The CAS ruling sends the wrong message to Tehran. The principles of the Olympic
Charter and the lives of Iranian athletes ought to compel more than this.
While Iran’s harassment of athletes knows no limits, its punishment must, the
Court of Arbitration for Sport ruled on Monday. The CAS determined that the
International Judo Federation had no “legal basis” for serving Iran an unlimited
suspension over its boycott of Israeli athletes. However, the court recognized
that the judo federation had committed “serious violations” and referred the
case back to the IJF for disciplinary measures.
The Islamic Republic has a long history of dodging matches against the Jewish
State. Former coach for Iran’s national Greco-Roman wrestling team, Sardar
Pashaei, stated that “I personally witnessed Iranian authorities forcing
athletes to refuse to compete with Israeli athletes.” In 2017, an Iranian
trainer coerced his wrestler, Alireza Karimi-Machiani, to throw a match to
prevent a showdown with an Israeli, which sparked international outrage.
Iran’s judo boycott of Israel came to a head in February 2019. Judoka Saeid
Mollaei threw a match to avoid facing his Israeli counterpart, Sagi Muki. In May
of that year, IJF President Marius Vizer extracted a letter from the presidents
of Iran’s National Olympic Committee and judo federation guaranteeing they would
“fully respect the Olympic Charter and its non-discrimination principle.”
Nevertheless, in August, Tehran again ordered Mollaei to lose intentionally to
avoid facing Muki.
This was the final straw for the IJF. Iran’s blatant disregard for the
principles of the Olympic movement, namely non-discrimination and fair play, had
gone on long enough without consequence. Between September and October 2019, the
IJF reviewed the case and suspended Iran from all competitions and activities
“until the Iran Judo Federation . . . accept that their athletes fight against
Israeli athletes.” Iran appealed the decision immediately.
Though the Islamic Republic was suspended for sixteen months, most events were
canceled due to the global pandemic. Monday’s CAS ruling undercut the IJF
decision, limiting the judo governing body’s ability to punish Iran for
discriminating against Israelis and harassing its own athletes.
Meanwhile, Mollaei has received no such reprieve. He fears for his life and for
the lives of his family members. In 2019, when it appeared that Mollaei might
have to face an Israeli, Iranian officials called Mollaei and his coach,
Mohammad Mansouri, demanding the judoka drop out. Iranian security forces went
to the house where Mollaei’s parents lived and an Iranian embassy official even
trespassed into the athlete warm-up area to intimidate the judoka. With Vizer’s
help, Mollaei applied for asylum in Germany and eventually was allowed to
compete on behalf of Mongolia.
Just last month, Mollaei won silver at the two-day IJF Grand Slam in Tel Aviv.
Vizer declared it a “unique tournament at an exceptional time” and praised
Mollaei and Mansouri, who also had to flee Iran, terming the men as “the bravest
people I have ever met.” While he can compete in judo again, Mollaei cannot
return home. If he did, then he might meet the fate of other athletes who dared
to defy the clerical regime.
Elite athletes face intense pressure, including the death penalty, for any
semblance of protest against the theocracy. One example is murdered wrestler
Navid Afkari, who became a wanted man for participating in protests in 2018
against the regime. Iran tortured Afkari into falsely confessing to the murder
of a security guard, according to human rights groups. In September 2020, the
regime hanged him.
The regime executed a second wrestler, Mehdi Ali Hosseini, in January 2021,
despite an urgent appeal from Hamid Sourian, the Iranian Wrestling Federation’s
vice president. Due to the mysterious circumstances surrounding Hosseini’s
trial, it is unclear if Iran executed him for dissent, or if this is just
another case of the clerical regime denying its athletes their right to life and
a fair trial.
In the same month as Hosseini’s execution, Iran’s clerical regime executed a
champion boxer and prominent sports coach, Ali Mutairi. Regime authorities
severely tortured Mutairi to extract a forced confession for killing two Basij
militia members in 2018. The UN condemned the execution of Mutairi, who was
sentenced to death on the frequently invoked nebulous charges of “enmity against
God” and “corruption on earth.” Mutairi was an Ahwazi Arab—a minority subject to
intense discrimination in Iran.
The International Olympic Committee’s and other sporting bodies’ failure to keep
sustained pressure and penalties against the clerical regime allows the Islamic
Republic to continue discriminating against Israelis and repress and even
execute its own athletes. The committee should heed calls from Iranian
dissidents and Iranian athletes to boycott the clerical regime at all
international sports competitions, including the Japan 2021 games. Iranian
athletes should be allowed to compete, but under a neutral flag, like Russian
athletes did in 2018 amid a massive doping scandal.
The CAS ruling sends the wrong message to Tehran. The principles of the Olympic
Charter and the lives of Iranian athletes ought to compel more than this.
*David May is a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD),
where Benjamin Weinthal is a research fellow. Follow David and Benjamin on
Twitter @DavidSamuelMay and @BenWeinthal. FDD is a Washington, DC-based,
nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.
Biden can make history or become overwhelmed by it
Geoffrey Aronson/The Arab Weekly/March 11/2021
Two months after a failed coup d’etat, US President Joe Biden is scheduled to
make his first speech to the American public today.
Americans are justly famed for their short memories. Who today, for example,
remembers what our war against the Vietnamese – which killed more than 50,000
Americans and ten times that number of Vietnamese — was all about? Our tendency
towards national amnesia and the imperatives of the news cycle decree that
January’s historic attempt to subvert American democracy is as noteworthy, and
as fleeting, as the loss of power and water in Texas. Indeed, the momentous
events of January 6 — when insurrectionists inspired, if not worse, by a
defeated president, undertook to prevent the peaceful transfer of power to a
victorious challenger – today merit only occasional mention.
Did that. Done that. Time to move on.
President Biden has evidently come to a similar conclusion. He has chosen not to
be defined by the tumult that threatened to short-circuit his presidency.
Both he and the country at large, however, are making a grievous error in their
attempt to put the attempted insurrection behind us, imperiling, in Biden’s
case, his own presidency, and more broadly the country’s democratic future. The
events of January 6 were not some one-off conspiracy but rather the tip of a
national iceberg that continues to metastasise and threaten the Republic. Hope
as we might. Pretend as we will, the malign forces that produced the attempted
New Year’s coup are still with us.
Just take a look at the armed camp that is Capitol Hill today.
Thankfully, the putschists of January 6 were unprepared to take advantage of
their tremendous achievement. Once they had successfully stormed the Capitol, a
feat that no one had ever imagined in their wildest dreams, they were at a loss.
Imagine a better prepared and organised scenario. Imagine the Capitol with an
American flag flying upside down and controlled by a disciplined force of
rebels. And in the occupied Senate and House chambers, a Republican majority,
its fears of collaboration with the mob overwhelmed by the aphrodisiac of power,
enthusiastically decertifying the election of the democratically elected
president.
Just imagine.
This danger is still with us. Indeed, many Democratic members of Congress live
with the suspicion that had the bedlam that was January 6 turned against the
Republic, not a few of their Republican colleagues would have been among the
hangmen. It is understandable that Biden rebels at the thought that the
malicious ghost of Donald Trump should continue to haunt and indeed define his
presidency. One sympathises with his desire to define his presidency by his own
effort. But like it or not, Biden cannot escape history’s verdict. Indeed, no
matter his achievements in the coming years, his presidency has already been
irrevocably defined by the insurrection, its antecedents and the chapters now
being written. Biden will be not be remembered for his policies towards China or
the fate of the $15/hour minimum wage, but as the president who turned the
malicious tide embraced and vitalised by his predecessor, or whose failure to do
so reduced his presidency to a way station on the path to a far more perilous
future.
Americans move on, all but unmindful of the stakes of this continuing contest.
“The investigation into those responsible is moving at a speed and scale that is
unprecedented, and rightly so,” acting Deputy Attorney General John Carlin said
recently. “Those responsible must be held to account, and they will be.”
More than 300 people have been arrested in connection with the Capitol attack.
This legal battle is a vital but insufficient component of the full spectrum
assault on the insurrection and its cheerleaders required to strangle it in its
infancy. Those who inspired the revolt are political criminals whose actions
continue to endanger the Republic. The challenge they pose is not so much a
legal one but rather political — rooted in their challenge to the system of
democratic governance at the heart of the American experience. The fate of their
effort will not be resolved in the courtroom but in the court of public opinion,
and it is up to Biden to lead the charge.
Biden’s dilemma brings to mind the challenge faced by former Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin after an Israel settler gunned down 29 Muslim worshipers
during prayers in Hebron’s famed al-Haram al-Ibrahimi Mosque (Cave of the
Patriarchs), revered by Muslims and Jews as the tomb of Abraham and Sarah. The
February 1994 massacre placed Israel’s entire settlement enterprise in the dock.
The event crystallised the movement’s intention to destroy Rabin’s effort to
conclude a peace agreement with the Palestinians. But it also created an
opportunity for Rabin to take the initiative to tame his right-wing opponents.
In the wake of the killings, Rabin considered removing settlers entirely from
the city, a decision that would have dealt a crushing blow to the power of the
pro-settlement lobby opposed to Rabin’s historic political demarche.
Rabin chose the easier path.
He did not move to expel settlers from the city or lead the charge against his
political opponents, whose rising anger at his policies continued to grow.
It was a decision that arguably cost Rabin his life. In the months before his
assassination, the right-wing opposition to his diplomacy grew unchecked. The
toxic political brew was fanned by the leadership of the opposition party, led
by Binyamin Netanyahu. Rallies organised by Netanyahu’s Likud party featured
Rabin in a Nazi SS uniform, or in the crosshairs of a gun. Protesters chanted,
“Rabin is a murderer” and “Rabin is a traitor.” In July 1995, Netanyahu led a
mock funeral procession featuring a coffin and hangman’s noose at an anti-Rabin
rally, as the crowd chanted, “Death to Rabin.”
Four months later, Rabin was shot by a right-wing assassin. His death offers
both a lesson and a warning to leaders who fail to see clearly the danger posed
by a toxic mix of political and ideological opponents for whom democratic
convention merits allegiance only if it sanctifies a preferred outcome. The
threat and the opportunity that Biden faces is no less fateful. Acting Capitol
Police Chief Yogananda Pittman has warned that militia groups that attacked the
Capitol on January 6 have threatened to “blow up” the complex when Biden
delivers his State of the Union joint address to Congress.
Your move Mr. President.
Can’t Tunisians learn from the Lebanese?
Mokhtar Dabbabi/The Arab Weekly/March 11/2021
The situation has paved the way for a clash between Tunisia and international
donors, especially the IMF.
The voice of reason has gone silent in Tunisia’s political struggle. It all
sounds as if we are on the brink of a Middle Ages-type jihad or a return to the
atmosphere of the civil war in Lebanon.
On Monday evening, the country faced a microcosm of a civil war, or perhaps a
dress rehearsal for what it will be like in the coming years in light of the
desire of the “three presidencies” and the various parties and organisations to
win the muscle-flexing battles and humiliate their opponents without any
consideration for the country’s security and stability.
Dozens of supporters of the Destourian Free Party (PDL), headed by MP Abir
Moussi, gathered in front of the headquarters of the International Union of
Muslim Scholars, calling again for it to be closed by force after the judiciary
took a middle of the road decision that neither banned it nor clearly authorised
the union’s presence in Tunis. The showdown is only the first episode,
especially since everyone is pouring fuel on the fire — from politicians to
local and Gulf satellite channels, for whom Tunisia has become the primary
concern. Tunisia is only a small distance away from what Lebanon looked like in
the mid-seventies and eighties, before the civil war was legitimised with sects
and proxies introduced into a political agreement under Arab auspices. Various
indicators say that Tunisians have not learned anything from the experience of
Lebanon, and that the country is reproducing the main features of the Lebanese
collapse, starting with a political class that thinks from a sectarian
perspective and uses all domestic and external cards to impose itself as the
strongest party that requests everyone’s obedience and submission to its
dictates and internal and external considerations.
Responsibility is now borne by the three presidents (President of the Republic
Kais Saied, Parliament Speaker Rached Ghannouchi, and Prime Minister Hichem
Mechichi).
If they do not reach an urgent agreement in which everyone relinquishes the
logic of victory and scoring points, the country will drift into an open crisis
that may is impervious to mediation and calls for national dialogue.
In his last words, Saied said that he is for dialogue, but what dialogue? He
stipulated that “(this dialogue) should not be like the previous dialogues, and
that only those who truly believe in the economic and social needs of the
Tunisian people and their political demands can participate in it.”
This simply means that part of those behind the crisis will not be present in
the dialogue (the Karama Coalition, Qalb Tounes, and perhaps the Ennahda
movement), and only those affiliated with the president or the so-called parties
of the president will participate.
Mechichi, for his part, says that he will not resign to fulfill the president’s
condition for launching the dialogue. This simply means that there is no
dialogue on the horizon.
On the contrary, the shunned prime minister finds strong support from a
parliamentary belt of more than 140 deputies, including representatives of
Ennahda, Karama, Qalb Tounes and independent representatives affiliated with the
old Nidaa Tounes party who do not hide their satisfaction at the government
being closer to them.
Resignation is currently almost impossible. It can only take place through a
broader combination of actors, maybe within a few months. It could, for example,
be agreed to during the national dialogue sponsored by trade unions towards
forming a government of national unity.
It may be that resignation would concern the government and not the prime
minister, meaning that Mechichi — the technocrat who is backed by Ennahda —
could stay in office in any consensus-based deal.
There is another argument promoted by the “president’s parties,” who are pushing
for a political government led by a political figure. This is difficult because
well-known political figures are necessarily classified as siding with this
group or the other. What Ennahda and its parliamentary alliance accept may be
rejected by the president and his partisan alliance, which makes the political
government a reflection of the continued crisis from the perspective of
competition instead of resolution by consensus.
Regardless of the arguments and justifications, people have come to know the
reality of the crisis.
The three presidents are no longer right as long as their struggle for
undisputed leadership will lead to a permanent political vacuum that prevents
decisions from being made to resolve the country’s economic and social
conditions. This is another similarity with the Lebanese crisis.
The political class that has emerged in Tunisia since 2011 is working for the
continuation of the crisis by creating mechanisms that perpetuate it and make it
like a rolling ball around which new faces and other “clean” and “honest”
figures gravitate.
It is based on transforming anything new into a copy of itself and carries on
with the old habits of opportunism and struggles for personal gain. This is what
is currently happening with Mechichi and Saied, both of whom are new, and
without political or party records. They both show a desire for change but
within alliances that make them a front for the fierce showdown that the country
expects.
While “the president’s parties” are entrenching themselves behind Saied and
pushing him to confront those they failed to defeat in the ballot box or
tactical alliances and under the table deals, others are playing the same game
with the Mechichi, as they inflate his sense of self-victimisation and create a
battlefront around him in the conflict with the president of the republic.
With 2024 elections approaching, we will find that Saeid and Mechichi have
become old faces that are part of the “war machine,” while everyone will focus
on new faces to bring them into the game and employ them in other conflicts
according to their value, record and ability to play the required roles.
It is a game produced by warlords.
All slogans raised by the 2011 revolution are still on hold due to the lack of
political will to draft the necessary programmes and submit them to parliament
for approval.
Unemployment has expanded and the poor are unable to make ends meet in light of
the meteoric rise of prices and the absence of any party defending them. But the
most dangerous trend is the fraying of the state through corruption, whose
circle has widened and whose methods have diversified through unaccounted for
increases in salaries and benefits, which take place in the context of political
accommodation and ensuring social peace.
It is a situation has paved the way for a clash between Tunisia and
international donors, especially the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which
put red lines in front of the Tunisian government so as to implement urgent
economic reforms and adopt a track based on austerity, reducing subsidies and
stopping the politicisation of economic crisis management.
The government is currently facing a tough predicament. On the one hand, it is
convinced of the rightfulness of the IMF’s approach, especially with regard to
investing loans in development projects and creating jobs and the need to reform
government bodies and stop pumping money into corrupt institutions.
On the other hand, the Mechichi government faces off with the Tunisian General
Labour Union (UGTT), which is only concerned with improving the living
conditions of its members.
Nothing shows that the crisis is on its way to a solution. On the contrary,
every day adds new elements to the interlocked combination that brings the
country closer to being a failed state.
**Mokhtar Dabbabi is a Tunisian writer and journalist.
Europe continues to be soft on Iran’s nuclear defiance
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/March 11/2021
The International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) board of governors held its
quarterly meeting last week. The meeting was one of several events taking place
simultaneously that provided outlets for recommendations about how the
international community should approach the Iranian regime’s nuclear development
and other malign activities.
Meanwhile, without regard for the unresolved tensions over matters such as the
2015 Iran nuclear deal, European political and business leaders this month met
virtually with their Iranian counterparts for the Europe-Iran Business Forum, a
three-day event sponsored by the EU and aimed at expanding bilateral trade
relations.
In spite of the fact that the Iranian regime has reduced its cooperation with
IAEA inspectors, top leaders from Britain, France and Germany have refrained
from condemning Tehran. A former member of the European Parliament, Struan
Stevenson, rightly criticized European governments for seeking to do business
with the regime as it continues to pursue nuclear weapons. He last week told a
meeting of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI): “There must be no
lifting of sanctions until all clandestine nuclear activity, involvement in
foreign wars, and domestic repression have ended.” He also called explicit
attention to the Europe-Iran Business Forum as an example of a policy that makes
Western leaders seem “oblivious” to Tehran’s threats.
The soft policies carried out by the EU and the IAEA toward Tehran are
definitely good news for the Iranian leaders, who are desperate to return to the
flawed 2015 nuclear deal and have all current sanctions against their government
lifted. The lifting of sanctions will provide the cash the theocratic
establishment needs to increase its hegemonic ambitions and military adventurism
in the Middle East.
It is critical to point out that not only has the Iranian regime reduced its
cooperation with the IAEA’s inspectors, but it is also more than likely
concealing information about all aspects of its nuclear program. For instance,
new information was last week released about a major Iranian nuclear site called
Abadeh in a news conference organized by the NCRI. The opposition group had
previously been the first to reveal Iran’s clandestine nuclear activities at two
other major sites, Natanz and Arak.
The Abadeh nuclear site was built in the mid-1990s by the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps (IRGC) and managed by the Organization of Defensive Innovation and
Research (SPND), the main entity in charge of the regime’s nuclear weapons
program. Abadeh was the venue for a project known as “Marivan,” according to the
NCRI’s Ali Safavi. These findings were reportedly obtained from the social
network of the NCRI’s biggest constituent organization, Mujahedin-e-Khalq, which
apparently has assets inside regime institutions.
The IAEA must take Iran’s activities at the Abadeh site more seriously. This
nuclear site was built specifically for an SPND subsidiary, METFAZ, which
specializes in research into and the building of high-explosive detonators.
After the IRGC discovered that information relating to the site had been leaked
in July 2019, it abruptly destroyed the facilities there. The regime only made
the site accessible to the IAEA in August 2020, more than a year after
sanitizing it. A report released by the IAEA last month says that it found
anthropogenic uranium particles at two sites in Iran.
The regime is more than likely concealing information about all aspects of its
nuclear program.
The Iranian regime has set up multiple front companies to procure technical
components, carry out development and testing, and raise money for exclusive use
as part of the nuclear program. In other words, it has laid the foundations for
the continuation of activities related to Iran’s nuclear weapons program and the
objectives of the SPND.
Robert Joseph, the former US Special Envoy for Nuclear Nonproliferation, noted
that one of his main policy takeaways from the new revelations about Abadeh was
that the US and Europe “simply can’t do business with this regime,” because
“hoping for a change in its behavior is nothing but a false hope.”
This sentiment is, of course, at odds with the Iran-Europe Business Forum, where
delegates heard a message from EU head of foreign policy Josep Borrell. While
the NCRI and its international supporters will be able to point squarely at the
IAEA’s findings when arguing that Tehran is inherently untrustworthy, it remains
to be seen what evidence anyone will be able to bring to bear on the other side
of the debate.
*Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist.
Twitter: @Dr_Rafizadeh